The people of the Southeast Asian country of Burma are locked in one of the world's great freedom struggles. The country's military rulers, the State Peace and Development Council, have run the country with an iron fist for the past 15 years, after they assumed power from a 26-year socialist dictatorship. In 1988, students, professionals, and others launched a nationwide uprising aimed at bringing an end to authoritarian rule during which millions of people courageously marched on the streets, calling for freedom and democracy.The military responded by gunning down thousands of demonstrators and imprisoning thousands more in one of Southeast Asia's most bloody episodes in recent history. The leader of the demonstrations, Min Ko Naing (pronounced Min Ko Nine), has been held behind bars ever since, where approximately 1,400 political prisoners remain. The most recognizable face of Burma, 1991 Nobel Peace Prize recipient Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (pronounced Daw Aung Sawn Sue Chee), has been in and out of house arrest and prison since 1988. Presently, she is held under house arrest.Worried that they could not hold on to power in 1988, the ruling generals announced they would hold a democratic election. Aung San Suu Kyi and many allies formed a political party, which they named the National League for Democracy (NLD). The party went on to win the election in a landslide victory in 1990, garnering an astounding 82% of the seats in parliament, even though many pro-democracy leaders were already imprisoned. Tragically, instead of permitting the electoral winners to assume office, the regime has maintained its grip on power ever since.In 1996, students again organized major protests on the streets of Rangoon, with thousands conducting sit-down demonstrations at key traffic intersections. The regime responded again by force, brutally beating them with batons and water canons, and arresting hundreds. This time, a videographer managed to capture some of the events on camera, which were then shown on CNN and other news stations.In May 2003, Burma again made international headlines when Aung San Suu Kyi, just released from house arrest a year earlier, was traveling on a speaking tour near Mandalay, Burma's second largest city. During her tour, approximately 600 members of her caravan were brutally attacked by the political arm of the regime, the Union Solidarity and Development Association. Up to 100 supporters were brutally beaten to death with blunt clubs, bamboo sticks, and spears, while Aung San Suu Kyi narrowly escaped assassination. She was held in prison and is now under total house arrest.At the same time, many of Burma's ethnic groups, including the Karen, Shan, and others, have been waging armed freedom struggles against the regime, some for up to 50 years. The regime, intent on dominating the entire country, has responded with brutal force — raping, slaughtering, or forcibly displacing millions of ethnic peoples. Reports of some of the world's most horrific human rights abuses have been documented by governments and credible organizations in Burma's ethnic regions, yet these peoples never give up the struggle to protect their homelands and way of life.The NLD, the true elected leaders of Burma, have called on citizens and governments around the world to put international pressure on Burma's regime. Our mission is to respond to this call — please contact us today or become a member to get involved. We are grassroots citizens just like you — and we need your help.
Sunday, September 30, 2007
Military Opens Fire: Hundreds Arrested, Up to 200 Peaceful Demonstrators Dead
The military is now utilizing violence against monks and other non-violent protestors. They have beaten and arrested hundreds of people, and it is reported that more than a hundred have been killed. We are tired of the international communities just making statements - they must ACT. Show your support and outrage.
Show Your Solidarity With the Saffron Revolution
We are working on bringing in as many world leaders, celebrities, news agencies on board with this story, but you need to play your part as well. It will not just be Americans working for this, but a global movement as well.
Starting this Wednesday (September 26th) we will begin a global week of ACTION. With an explosion of action we will make sure that everyone from world leadersto your next door neighbors have their eyes focused on Burma. Having this global focus will not only help in the protection of those demonstrating, but also make sure that the calls of the monks and civilians gets turned into international action.
HERE'S WHAT YOU CAN DO:
- Be a part of our 88,000 signatures campaign. I am asking people to collectively gather 88,000 signatures from around the world, calling on Chinese President Hu Jintao to compel Burma towards valid national reconciliation. Sign the petition here online: Click Here
OH BUT WAIT... you don't get off to so easy. Download the petition from our website and get hundreds and thousands of people to sign it. We're going for 88,000 remember.Download Petition Here
Once you have your petition filled out with your thousands of names, please send it back to the USCB office and we will deliver all the signatures to the Chinese Embassy: Here is our address: 1444 N St NW, Suite A2, Washington DC 20005
- Hold a Saffron Supporting Event.. It doesn't matter whether you live in a major city or not, you can still organize an event. Host a Burma day at your school- have everyone wear red on the campus, hold a rally, organize! These can be a powerful tool to raise awareness in your home town, and millions of eyes on Burma is eactly what we need with the military on the verge of a violent crackdown. You can organize a march, candle light vigil, or get creative and do any sort of action that will work for you and your community. Global Events are occuring this next week and I want the US to be well represented. Sign up to hold an action in your town here: Click Here to Sign Up
- Donate to USCB: We are running at full steam and are in strong need of financial assistance. Click Here to Donate
- Create a YouTube video for the Republican presidential debates asking them what what they will do to help Burma:http://www.youtube.com/debates
Thank you all for your work, and please let me hear from you on what you are doing- thelma@uscampaignforburma.org
Download Info Sheet on China's Support of the Burmese Regime : Click Here
Download an info flyer that you can then print and pass out to people who want to know: Click Here
Download our "This is Not a Game" Flier (Designed by Brian Hurst): Click Here
Download our "I Support the Sangha" Design Click Here
Download this Monk Stencil for some great guerilla art Click Here
List of Protests:(There are dozens of protests and other actions taking place in the US and around the world and I will update the rest ASAP)
-Washington DC: Friday, Sept 28th There will be a march starting at the Burmese embassy at 4:00 (2300 S St NW) and then being led in a march by Buddhist monks will go up Conneticut Ave to the Chinese Embassy (2300 Connecticut Ave). Contact: Thelma Young 202 234 8022 website here: DC Protest Website
- San Francisco: Friday, Sept 28th At Chinese Consulate(1450 Laguna St) going from 11:30am to 1:30pm. It will be a stand up protest as well as a meditation protest. Wear red clothes- Contact Nyunt Than (510 220 1323). Also from 12- 6om in front of Consulate will also be a Rally
-Houston: Monday, October 1st. Chinese Consulate (3417 Montrose Blvd) starting at 7:30 am and continuing for much of the day. Contact freeburmahouston@gmail.com
- Chicago: Friday, Sept 28th March beginning at the corner of Michigan Ave and Wacher at 12:00pm; Demonstration in front of Chinese Consulate 1:00pm (100 W. Erie) . Contact: Nora E Rowley - norarwl@aol.com
-New York: Friday Sept 28th in front of UN (1st and 47th) to pressure China to stop the military government's killing, beating, and jailing of monks and other civilians. 2:45 pm -contact Khin Phyu Htway kphtway@yahoo.com
-Los Angeles: Contact Pyi Maung (626) 607 5100 or tutpi@msn.com
For more info on other events- email me at thelma@uscampaignforburma.org
We are working on bringing in as many world leaders, celebrities, news agencies on board with this story, but you need to play your part as well. It will not just be Americans working for this, but a global movement as well.
Starting this Wednesday (September 26th) we will begin a global week of ACTION. With an explosion of action we will make sure that everyone from world leadersto your next door neighbors have their eyes focused on Burma. Having this global focus will not only help in the protection of those demonstrating, but also make sure that the calls of the monks and civilians gets turned into international action.
HERE'S WHAT YOU CAN DO:
- Be a part of our 88,000 signatures campaign. I am asking people to collectively gather 88,000 signatures from around the world, calling on Chinese President Hu Jintao to compel Burma towards valid national reconciliation. Sign the petition here online: Click Here
OH BUT WAIT... you don't get off to so easy. Download the petition from our website and get hundreds and thousands of people to sign it. We're going for 88,000 remember.Download Petition Here
Once you have your petition filled out with your thousands of names, please send it back to the USCB office and we will deliver all the signatures to the Chinese Embassy: Here is our address: 1444 N St NW, Suite A2, Washington DC 20005
- Hold a Saffron Supporting Event.. It doesn't matter whether you live in a major city or not, you can still organize an event. Host a Burma day at your school- have everyone wear red on the campus, hold a rally, organize! These can be a powerful tool to raise awareness in your home town, and millions of eyes on Burma is eactly what we need with the military on the verge of a violent crackdown. You can organize a march, candle light vigil, or get creative and do any sort of action that will work for you and your community. Global Events are occuring this next week and I want the US to be well represented. Sign up to hold an action in your town here: Click Here to Sign Up
- Donate to USCB: We are running at full steam and are in strong need of financial assistance. Click Here to Donate
- Create a YouTube video for the Republican presidential debates asking them what what they will do to help Burma:http://www.youtube.com/debates
Thank you all for your work, and please let me hear from you on what you are doing- thelma@uscampaignforburma.org
Download Info Sheet on China's Support of the Burmese Regime : Click Here
Download an info flyer that you can then print and pass out to people who want to know: Click Here
Download our "This is Not a Game" Flier (Designed by Brian Hurst): Click Here
Download our "I Support the Sangha" Design Click Here
Download this Monk Stencil for some great guerilla art Click Here
List of Protests:(There are dozens of protests and other actions taking place in the US and around the world and I will update the rest ASAP)
-Washington DC: Friday, Sept 28th There will be a march starting at the Burmese embassy at 4:00 (2300 S St NW) and then being led in a march by Buddhist monks will go up Conneticut Ave to the Chinese Embassy (2300 Connecticut Ave). Contact: Thelma Young 202 234 8022 website here: DC Protest Website
- San Francisco: Friday, Sept 28th At Chinese Consulate(1450 Laguna St) going from 11:30am to 1:30pm. It will be a stand up protest as well as a meditation protest. Wear red clothes- Contact Nyunt Than (510 220 1323). Also from 12- 6om in front of Consulate will also be a Rally
-Houston: Monday, October 1st. Chinese Consulate (3417 Montrose Blvd) starting at 7:30 am and continuing for much of the day. Contact freeburmahouston@gmail.com
- Chicago: Friday, Sept 28th March beginning at the corner of Michigan Ave and Wacher at 12:00pm; Demonstration in front of Chinese Consulate 1:00pm (100 W. Erie) . Contact: Nora E Rowley - norarwl@aol.com
-New York: Friday Sept 28th in front of UN (1st and 47th) to pressure China to stop the military government's killing, beating, and jailing of monks and other civilians. 2:45 pm -contact Khin Phyu Htway kphtway@yahoo.com
-Los Angeles: Contact Pyi Maung (626) 607 5100 or tutpi@msn.com
For more info on other events- email me at thelma@uscampaignforburma.org
Burma: Hundreds may be dead, as junta tries to keep brutality unseen
Rangoon, Burma -- Burma's military leaders locked down monasteries, arrested dissidents and set up barricades across Rangoon yesterday in an attempt to suffocate the waves of street demonstrations calling for an end to their rule.
They also tried to cut off ordinary people's communication with the outside world, heightening fears that the crackdown that appears to have knocked the wind from the demonstrations could become more violent.
Yet, despite the regime's best efforts, a day after security forces killed at least nine demonstrators - dissident groups say the total could be as high as 200 - hundreds again risked their lives to defy the government in small but angry protests across Burma's main city.
Locked inside their monasteries, or banished from the city, the cinnamon-robed monks who have formed the backbone to the dignified protest of the past week were largely gone. In their place were civilians, less disciplined and more angry, some with bandanas around their faces.
In pictures: Global protests over Burma
Burmese embassies across Asia have been targeted by protesters angered by events in the military-run country.
Thousands gathered in the capitals of Thailand, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan and Australia among others on Friday.
They are protesting over the Burmese military's bloody crackdown on recent anti-government protests, that left at least nine people dead on Thursday.
Many fear a repeat of 1988, when the regime brutally suppressed the last popular uprising, killing around 3,000 people.
The crackdown on monks, who have led the protests, has outraged many. This Filipino man's head is shaved beside a poster of Burmese leader Than Shwe.
Workers at the foreign ministry in Indonesia tied red bands around each other's arms before holding a silent protest.
This protest in the centre of Kuala Lumpur was watched by a man from inside the Burmese embassy.
Many protesters carried pictures of Aung San Suu Kyi, who has become a symbol of resistance in Burma.
Posters of Than Shwe were attacked by protesters in the Philippines.
China appeals for calm in Burma
Protests in Rangoon
Burma's closest ally, China, has made its most strident call yet for the military regime to end a violent crackdown on pro-democracy protesters.
After talks by telephone with his UK counterpart Gordon Brown, Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao said Beijing hoped peace would return to Burma quickly.
EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana urged China to lean harder on Burma.
The remarks came as UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari was in Burma hoping to hold talks with the military rulers.
In a statement, Mr Wen said China wanted a peaceful resolution to the situation in Burma.
"China hopes all parties concerned in [Burma] show restraint, resume stability through peaceful means as soon as possible, promote domestic reconciliation and achieve democracy and development."
'Act now'
But in an interview with the German newspaper Bild am Sonntag, the EU foreign policy chief urged all countries with any influence on Burma to act immediately.
"This is, of course, true for immediate neighbours such as China," Mr Solana was quoted as saying.
On Saturday several hundred people took to the streets of Rangoon, Burma's main city, despite three days of operations against protesters.
They chanted slogans before being baton-charged and dispersed by security forces.
There were also reports of at least three demonstrations elsewhere - in Mandalay, Sittwe and Pakokku.
The BBC's Chris Hogg, in neighbouring Thailand, says China - Burma's closest trading partner - is seen as having played a pivotal role in persuading Burma to grant the UN envoy a visa.
Ibrahim Gambari is in the new Burmese capital, Naypyidaw, for key talks with the country's ruling generals.
However, it is not clear which members of the government Mr Gambari will be allowed to meet, although the White House has said he should be allowed to talk to anyone, including opposition figurehead Aung San Suu Kyi.
Burmese state TV announced on Saturday that "peace and stability" had returned to Burma and that a pro-government rally had been held in the northern state of Kachin.
Sustained unrest
Burma has now seen almost two weeks of sustained popular unrest.
But the number of protesters is now much smaller than at the height of the rallies as the military has heavily garrisoned Rangoon and Mandalay to deter dissent.
Buddhist monks, who were initially at the vanguard of the protests, have been arrested or confined to their monasteries.
Internet links, which the government cut to stem the flow of information about the protests, are reported to be working intermittently again.
Burmese officials said on Thursday nine people had been killed but British PM Mr Brown said he believed the loss of life had been "far greater".
UK Ambassador Mark Canning told the BBC there were deep underlying political and economic reasons for the protests which would not go away easily.
He said: "The cork has been put in the bottle, but the pressures are still there."
Burma's closest ally, China, has made its most strident call yet for the military regime to end a violent crackdown on pro-democracy protesters.
After talks by telephone with his UK counterpart Gordon Brown, Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao said Beijing hoped peace would return to Burma quickly.
EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana urged China to lean harder on Burma.
The remarks came as UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari was in Burma hoping to hold talks with the military rulers.
In a statement, Mr Wen said China wanted a peaceful resolution to the situation in Burma.
"China hopes all parties concerned in [Burma] show restraint, resume stability through peaceful means as soon as possible, promote domestic reconciliation and achieve democracy and development."
'Act now'
But in an interview with the German newspaper Bild am Sonntag, the EU foreign policy chief urged all countries with any influence on Burma to act immediately.
"This is, of course, true for immediate neighbours such as China," Mr Solana was quoted as saying.
On Saturday several hundred people took to the streets of Rangoon, Burma's main city, despite three days of operations against protesters.
They chanted slogans before being baton-charged and dispersed by security forces.
There were also reports of at least three demonstrations elsewhere - in Mandalay, Sittwe and Pakokku.
The BBC's Chris Hogg, in neighbouring Thailand, says China - Burma's closest trading partner - is seen as having played a pivotal role in persuading Burma to grant the UN envoy a visa.
Ibrahim Gambari is in the new Burmese capital, Naypyidaw, for key talks with the country's ruling generals.
However, it is not clear which members of the government Mr Gambari will be allowed to meet, although the White House has said he should be allowed to talk to anyone, including opposition figurehead Aung San Suu Kyi.
Burmese state TV announced on Saturday that "peace and stability" had returned to Burma and that a pro-government rally had been held in the northern state of Kachin.
Sustained unrest
Burma has now seen almost two weeks of sustained popular unrest.
But the number of protesters is now much smaller than at the height of the rallies as the military has heavily garrisoned Rangoon and Mandalay to deter dissent.
Buddhist monks, who were initially at the vanguard of the protests, have been arrested or confined to their monasteries.
Internet links, which the government cut to stem the flow of information about the protests, are reported to be working intermittently again.
Burmese officials said on Thursday nine people had been killed but British PM Mr Brown said he believed the loss of life had been "far greater".
UK Ambassador Mark Canning told the BBC there were deep underlying political and economic reasons for the protests which would not go away easily.
He said: "The cork has been put in the bottle, but the pressures are still there."
Japanese journalist shot dead at close range in Myanmar
About This Video
TOKYO : Japan will press Myanmar for a full explanation on the killing of a Japanese journalist in Yangon. Kenji Nagai was reportedly among nine people killed on Thursday in a violent crackdown on protesters. He is the first foreign victim. Japan's Chief Cabinet Secretary described his killing as "extremely unfortunate", and said Tokyo is monitoring the situation closely. Japan is shocked that one of its citizens has fallen victim to the Myanmar crisis. Nagai is believed to have been shot by troops in a crackdown on protesters on the streets of Myanmar's capital Yangon. The 50-year-old is a journalist who has travelled to many war zones including Palestine, Lebanon and Afghanistan. Nagai worked for a small video news agency in Akasaka, Tokyo. He's reported to have been in Thailand earlier this month, when he decided to leave for Myanmar to do stories. There, he was shot to death amid struggles between security forces and protesters. "The first thing we want to do is to investigate and uncover the truth. This is the most important thing. At the same time, we strongly urge the Myanmar government to ensure that such an incident does not happen again," said Nobutaka Machimura, Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary. Japan's Foreign Correspondents Club has issued a statement of concern. "(Foreign Correspondents Club of) Japan deplores the killing in Yangon of Kenji Nagai, a journalist with Tokyo's APF News, and condemns the use of violence by Myanmar security forces," said Martyn Williams, President, Foreign Correspondents' Club of Japan. Myanmar nationals living in Japan protested outside their embassy in Tokyo. At a news conference, they urged the military government in Yangon to observe human rights and justice. They also urged governments worldwide to help end the violence in Myanmar. "We want Japan to exert more pressure, more sanctions and more involvement, and to persuade China, ASEAN and also India to play a role (to end) this brutality and bloodshed," said Tin Win, President, Federation of Workers' Union of the Burmese Citizens in Japan. "The government is not going to stop killing its own people. The only way to bring them to the table is to get international pressure and get support from the United Nations," said Myanmarese Thank Zin Oo. For now, Japan is not withholding humanitarian aid or financial assistance to Myanmar. "The government needs to carefully observe further developments before making its next move. We haven't decided whether to stop giving financial aid," said the Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary. Japanese officials said the Deputy Foreign Minister will visit Yangon this weekend to convey the country's anger over Nagai's death.
Burmese bloggers defy the censors
One of the most censorious regimes in the world has failed to prevent bloggers chronicling clashes between soldiers and protesters
Jonathan Richards
An account of how government soldiers ransacked a monastery was among a number of reports written about the events unfolding in Rangoon by bloggers.
Soldiers broke into the monastery with an army truck in the early hours of Thursday before taking away money and "shedding blood," one blogger wrote.
"We belive (sic) the soldier were given amphetamine tablets - i am sure no soldier will dare do like this," Ka Daung Nyin Thar wrote on his blog, attaching alongside pictures of upturned rooms and dried pools of blood in the corridors of Ngew Kyar Yan monastery.
Another blogger claimed that fire engines were being used to wash blood off the streets after soldiers "opened fire" into groups of people.
Ko Htike said that soldiers were paying citizens $7 each to dress up in yellow robes to look like monks and then set about attacking mosques in order to precipitate clashes between Buddhists and Muslims.
"If u hear or see the news that monks are destroying the Mosque these are no real monks. They are just fakes. As u all know, the real monks have no intention like that,' wrote Htike, a London-based blogger who was collating reports from 10 people within the capital.
Authorities in Burma struggled to contain the raft of hastily written reports and pictures which were posted up by bloggers in defiance of the regime.
Burma's military junta has been described as one of the most authoritarian in the world when it comes to restricting access to content on the internet.
In a report by the Open Net Initiative, an academic group, earlier this year it was rated as applying either substantial or pervasive filtering to every type of content - despite the fact that only 1 per cent of the population is online.
"Myanmar maintains one of the world's most restrictive systems of control, and its government has targeted online independent media and dissent with the same commitment it has demonstrated to stifling traditional media and voices for reform," the report said.
The blog Drlunswe had images - apparently taken at the Ngew Kyar Yan monastery - of rooms strewn with red robes and flip-flops, many blood-spattered, left along corridors.
In a message posted at 20:58 Burmese time today, Mc Mg Mg wrote: "Plz tell to everyone who do not have internet access."
Another message read: "To all folk, it is really bad in YGN (Rangoon), pLs can someone do something for our country, now inside YGN it has been look like War Zone, i even heard shooting over the phone."
Several Burma-focused news services posted hourly updates on the situation on the ground.
At 3:35pm today the Mizzina agency, which is run by Burmese dissidents, wrote: "An International aid agency worker said, the army gave only two minutes to disperse before they open fire on protestors at Sule."
Irrawaddy,a magazine devoted to south east Asia, also posted accounts of clashes between security forces and protesters when crowds continued to roam the streets after the 6pm curfew began.
Jonathan Richards
An account of how government soldiers ransacked a monastery was among a number of reports written about the events unfolding in Rangoon by bloggers.
Soldiers broke into the monastery with an army truck in the early hours of Thursday before taking away money and "shedding blood," one blogger wrote.
"We belive (sic) the soldier were given amphetamine tablets - i am sure no soldier will dare do like this," Ka Daung Nyin Thar wrote on his blog, attaching alongside pictures of upturned rooms and dried pools of blood in the corridors of Ngew Kyar Yan monastery.
Another blogger claimed that fire engines were being used to wash blood off the streets after soldiers "opened fire" into groups of people.
Ko Htike said that soldiers were paying citizens $7 each to dress up in yellow robes to look like monks and then set about attacking mosques in order to precipitate clashes between Buddhists and Muslims.
"If u hear or see the news that monks are destroying the Mosque these are no real monks. They are just fakes. As u all know, the real monks have no intention like that,' wrote Htike, a London-based blogger who was collating reports from 10 people within the capital.
Authorities in Burma struggled to contain the raft of hastily written reports and pictures which were posted up by bloggers in defiance of the regime.
Burma's military junta has been described as one of the most authoritarian in the world when it comes to restricting access to content on the internet.
In a report by the Open Net Initiative, an academic group, earlier this year it was rated as applying either substantial or pervasive filtering to every type of content - despite the fact that only 1 per cent of the population is online.
"Myanmar maintains one of the world's most restrictive systems of control, and its government has targeted online independent media and dissent with the same commitment it has demonstrated to stifling traditional media and voices for reform," the report said.
The blog Drlunswe had images - apparently taken at the Ngew Kyar Yan monastery - of rooms strewn with red robes and flip-flops, many blood-spattered, left along corridors.
In a message posted at 20:58 Burmese time today, Mc Mg Mg wrote: "Plz tell to everyone who do not have internet access."
Another message read: "To all folk, it is really bad in YGN (Rangoon), pLs can someone do something for our country, now inside YGN it has been look like War Zone, i even heard shooting over the phone."
Several Burma-focused news services posted hourly updates on the situation on the ground.
At 3:35pm today the Mizzina agency, which is run by Burmese dissidents, wrote: "An International aid agency worker said, the army gave only two minutes to disperse before they open fire on protestors at Sule."
Irrawaddy,a magazine devoted to south east Asia, also posted accounts of clashes between security forces and protesters when crowds continued to roam the streets after the 6pm curfew began.
Fears of mounting death toll in Burma
Burmese forces on Friday intensified their suppression of peaceful pro-democracy protests as credible accounts emerged that the death toll from Thursday’s crackdown was far higher than the official figure of nine.
Substantially more troops were deployed on the streets of the main city Rangoon and the second city Mandalay than on previous days as authorities sealed off monasteries and pagodas.
Monks have led the protests in the past 10 days and the tactic of focusing on places of worship appeared to work. Few red-robed young men were on the streets. Troops acted swiftly to prevent crowds gathering but seemed to use less violence than on Thursday.
Diplomats said this could be because the junta, which has ruled since 1962, did not want to appear too brutal ahead of Saturday’s expected arrival of Ibrahim Gambari, a United Nations special envoy on Burma.
The junta also extended a dusk-to-dawn curfew in some areas of Rangoon and appeared to have cut internet access in a bid to prevent information reaching the outside world.
The largest crowd in Rangoon numbered only 2,000, a far cry from the tens of thousands who swarmed through the city earlier in the week. Police fired shots into the air and beat people with clubs to disperse them.
Bob Davis, Australian ambassador to Burma, told the Australian Broadcasting Corporation he had heard credible reports that “several multiples of the 10 [sic] acknowledged by the authorities [were killed on Thursday].”
Khin Ohmar, head of the Thailand-based Asia-Pacific People’s Partnership on Burma, said she had heard from witnesses that “more than 100 were shot down at Tam We high school in Rangoon”. However, that number could not be confirmed.
Some Burma-watchers said differences could be emerging in the regime between General Than Shwe, the junta’s supreme leader, and Gen Muang Aye, the army commander.
Win Min, a Burma analyst based in Thailand, said: “A few commanders have complained to their friends that they don’t want to shoot into crowds. They can’t refuse the order but they don’t like it and will try to reduce the violence. Gen Muang Aye seems to disagree with the harsh treatment but there is nothing he can do about it at the moment.”
These claims could not be independently confirmed.
■ US President George W. Bush and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown agreed on Friday to keep up international pressure on Burma’s rulers, reports Reuters. The White House on Friday condemned the military crackdown as ”barbaric.”
Mr Bush and Mr Brown spoke by video link about ”the need for countries around the world to continue to make their views clear to the junta that they need to refrain from violence and move to a peaceful transition to democracy,” White House spokesman Scott Stanzel said.
Dan Ten Kate in Bangkok and Raphael Minder in Hong Kong contributed to this report
Substantially more troops were deployed on the streets of the main city Rangoon and the second city Mandalay than on previous days as authorities sealed off monasteries and pagodas.
Monks have led the protests in the past 10 days and the tactic of focusing on places of worship appeared to work. Few red-robed young men were on the streets. Troops acted swiftly to prevent crowds gathering but seemed to use less violence than on Thursday.
Diplomats said this could be because the junta, which has ruled since 1962, did not want to appear too brutal ahead of Saturday’s expected arrival of Ibrahim Gambari, a United Nations special envoy on Burma.
The junta also extended a dusk-to-dawn curfew in some areas of Rangoon and appeared to have cut internet access in a bid to prevent information reaching the outside world.
The largest crowd in Rangoon numbered only 2,000, a far cry from the tens of thousands who swarmed through the city earlier in the week. Police fired shots into the air and beat people with clubs to disperse them.
Bob Davis, Australian ambassador to Burma, told the Australian Broadcasting Corporation he had heard credible reports that “several multiples of the 10 [sic] acknowledged by the authorities [were killed on Thursday].”
Khin Ohmar, head of the Thailand-based Asia-Pacific People’s Partnership on Burma, said she had heard from witnesses that “more than 100 were shot down at Tam We high school in Rangoon”. However, that number could not be confirmed.
Some Burma-watchers said differences could be emerging in the regime between General Than Shwe, the junta’s supreme leader, and Gen Muang Aye, the army commander.
Win Min, a Burma analyst based in Thailand, said: “A few commanders have complained to their friends that they don’t want to shoot into crowds. They can’t refuse the order but they don’t like it and will try to reduce the violence. Gen Muang Aye seems to disagree with the harsh treatment but there is nothing he can do about it at the moment.”
These claims could not be independently confirmed.
■ US President George W. Bush and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown agreed on Friday to keep up international pressure on Burma’s rulers, reports Reuters. The White House on Friday condemned the military crackdown as ”barbaric.”
Mr Bush and Mr Brown spoke by video link about ”the need for countries around the world to continue to make their views clear to the junta that they need to refrain from violence and move to a peaceful transition to democracy,” White House spokesman Scott Stanzel said.
Dan Ten Kate in Bangkok and Raphael Minder in Hong Kong contributed to this report
Saturday, September 29, 2007
Burma's fight for freedom: Troops reclaim the streets as monks ... -
Burma's Buddhist monks have all but vanished. Those that have not been rounded up can only look on helplessly as the junta's generals take control. Rosalind Russell and Peter Popham report
Published: 30 September 2007
In the end, a week was all it took. In that time Burma has gone from ethereal dreams of freedom to a vicious new reality in which protesters are chased off the streets and Buddhist monasteries are sealed away behind barbed wire. The saffron revolution has been sat on hard, the only way the Burmese generals know.
Yesterday in Rangoon, despite the troops on every corner, clusters of insanely brave protesters continued to dash out and taunt the military before running away again. But the men and women at the heart of this revolt, Burma's Buddhist monks and nuns, had vanished.
Columns of army trucks packed with soldiers patrolled the streets, with military police on nearly every street corner in a show of force which strangled efforts to revive the protests that had seized world attention all week. Soldiers stopped and searched young men walking around the city centre, ordering some to squat while they checked their papers, a calculated humiliation. In central Rangoon, men who had aroused suspicion were thrown into waiting vans.
A bookseller stood in his shop doorway and watched the young soldiers stopping the passers-by. What did he think? "In this country, we are all blind and deaf," he said. "People have learned to keep quiet." The internet – restricted by the junta during the week to quell the protests – remained down, but Rangoon residents were eager for news. The owner of an electronics shop said his stock of short-wave radios had sold out as soon as they arrived.
A heavy tropical rainstorm helped to douse tensions, but by mid-afternoon a small group of men tried to gather to the west of Sule Pagoda, clapping and chanting. A dozen dark-green army trucks packed with soldiers sped to the scene, accompanied by two trucks carrying the hated Swan Ar Shin plain-clothed paramilitaries, with a prison van bringing up the rear. The crowd dispersed.
But the monks, who led days of dignified demonstrations between the city's golden pagodas, were nowhere to be seen. Those temples are now military encampments, surrounded by concrete blocks and barbed wire. Soldiers have raided monasteries by night, arresting monks and forcing many back to their homes.
The conventional view was that the military wouldn't dare touch the monks. The generals are Buddhists too, and know in their bones that there is nothing more impious than to abuse the holy men. But the survival instinct trumps even that. Now the monks are treated with the same ruthlessness as the regime's other internal enemies, the ethnic insurgents in the borderlands.
From the perspective of the generals, last weekend was when the rebellion began to look menacing. For several days the pongyi, the monks, had been allowed to process through Burma's cities with no state presence to hinder them. Then last Saturday a group of 500 of them arrived at the barricade that closes off the road where Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Burma's democracy movement, has been under house arrest for four years. Instead of being warned off and sent away, for unknown reasons they were allowed to pass. They walked to the gate of her compound, and she came out to meet them. The moment was captured by a mobile phone: Ms Suu Kyi, in canary yellow, her palms pressed together in greeting, separated from the monks by a line of riot police.
For the first time the new vanguard of Burma's revolution met its heroic leader – and somebody in the security forces let it happen. Alarm bells must have gone off at once in the new capital of Naypyidaw, where the generals hunker down. That same afternoon the rumour spread that the junta had decided to crack down on the monks, and when they tried to get to Ms Suu Kyi's house the next day, they were turned back. But by now 10,000 monks were conservatively estimated to be on the street, a great maroon river with the Burmese public cheering them on, prostrating before them, proferring water and foot balm – and increasingly marching alongside them.
Even more marched on Monday, providing the most stunning image of the rebellion – an entire, broad Rangoon boulevard packed with monks, as far as the eye could see. And still no police. It seemed the most pacific uprising the world had ever seen, but it entered a new phase when 50 leaders of Ms Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), threw in their lot with the monks and joined the march with party banners.
Now people were braced for the worst. Some schools, government offices and businesses failed to open, anticipating trouble, and at last the other shoe dropped. The regime's minister for religious affairs came on television to demand the marches stop – or there would be unspecified consequences, "according to the law".
But on Tuesday tens of thousands turned out once more, converging on Sule Pagoda and Shwedagon Pagoda, the two great Buddhist shrines that had become the focus of the uprising. But there was a change of mood. Some monks carried the fighting peacock flag, emblem of the 3,000 protesters slaughtered at the culmination of the protests of 1988. It seemed they could be preparing for martyrdom.
Late in the afternoon, army vans toured the city centre, threatening to break up protests, which (megaphones declared) were illegal. Then units of the Tatmadaw (Burmese army) began pouring into the city centre. Hundreds took up position around Sule Pagoda once the thousands of peaceful protesters had gone home, getting ready to seal it off.
Wednesday was the ninth day of the uprising of the monks, and the day it began to go horribly wrong. Tens of thousands, monks and ordinary Burmese, were back on the street in defiance of the military; if the numbers were fewer than on Monday or Tuesday, it was only because the army had bottled up many monks in their monasteries. But now soldiers trailed them in lorries, finally resorting to arms – firing tear gas around Shwedagon Pagoda, firing rounds in the air to stop the crowds from entering the shrine's grounds, and shooting to kill. It was the same by Sule Pagoda.
The uprising saw its first fatality – at least one dead and several wounded. And monks who still stood in the soldiers' way were beaten and carried off. The taboo against harming the men in robes had fallen.
By Thursday the mood had darkened dramatically. Rangoon was enveloped in gunsmoke and the stink of cordite, but thousands of terrified people remained determined to show their contempt and hatred for the junta. Mobile coverage was drastically reduced. Just when there was real, terrible news to report, it became far more difficult to communicate.
But the cruellest image of the week did make it out: the moment when Japanese video journalist Kenji Nagai was shot dead at point-blank range outside Sule Pagoda. The amateur video coverage of the killing quickly went round the world, infuriating the Japanese government and shaming the junta in the eyes of its few friends, such as the Chinese authorities. Soldiers went through the smart Trader's Hotel in the city centre, supposedly looking for foreign journalists covertly filming the crackdown.
On Thursday nine people were said to have died from gunshot wounds, and the word was of monasteries raided and hundreds of monks arrested, many beaten. By Friday, with no internet, rumours were rife about generals falling out among themselves; there was patchy, hit-and-run protesting on the streets. More people died, but it was impossible to know how many. Foreign leaders, including Gordon Brown, expressed the fear that the toll was far worse than the junta admitted.
Yesterday the news was that the UN envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, had finally been permitted to fly into the country. He was taken to a meeting with government officials and the Chinese ambassador to negotiate his itinerary. He will want to meet Ms Suu Kyi: the only photo of her in four years, until last Saturday, was taken with the envoy during his last visit. Now her street is barricaded with four rows of barbed wire and a sandbagged machine-gun position manned by a soldier.
Few believe Mr Gambari can achieve much, however: Burma's generals are accustomed to ignoring international condemnations. But this uprising isn't over. The junta has only managed to quell the protest by turning Rangoon into an armed camp.
"At some point, the soldiers have to go back to barracks and the monks will return to their monasteries," a Western aid worker pointed out. "The government can't keep a lid on this for ever."
Burma diary: Days that shook the world
Message boards and blogs from Monday 24 to Saturday 29 September brought the voices of Burma to the world:
Monday "We are very insecure as we don't know what the government is planning. The government-controlled papers say the monks are trying to agitate the public. This can be an excuse to start attacking the monks. I hope there won't be any bloodbath"
Soe Soe, Mandalay
Tuesday "Today the city is quiet and people go to work as normal. There are lots of rumours, but for the time being everything is calm. People are anxious to see what's going to happen. According to the government's warnings, today could be a big day."
Michel, Rangoon
Wednesday "I have just talked to my sister who lives in Rangoon ... The junta are using dirty tactics – they don't fire guns, but beat people with the backs of their rifles. The monks defiantly did not fight back, just endured the pain and died."
Anonymous Burmese woman
Thursday "There are many deaths on the streets of Rangoon. The military is taking away the bodies to hide their inhumane violence."
Wai, Rangoon
Friday "People seem to be determined to continue, despite the bullets, beatings and killings. Now is the time for the international community to take action."
Anonymous international resident, Rangoon
Saturday "I just received a call from a friend in Rangoon. He says the army have warned that if anyone is seen running into a house for sanctuary, they're going to demolish the building."
Neil, UK
Published: 30 September 2007
In the end, a week was all it took. In that time Burma has gone from ethereal dreams of freedom to a vicious new reality in which protesters are chased off the streets and Buddhist monasteries are sealed away behind barbed wire. The saffron revolution has been sat on hard, the only way the Burmese generals know.
Yesterday in Rangoon, despite the troops on every corner, clusters of insanely brave protesters continued to dash out and taunt the military before running away again. But the men and women at the heart of this revolt, Burma's Buddhist monks and nuns, had vanished.
Columns of army trucks packed with soldiers patrolled the streets, with military police on nearly every street corner in a show of force which strangled efforts to revive the protests that had seized world attention all week. Soldiers stopped and searched young men walking around the city centre, ordering some to squat while they checked their papers, a calculated humiliation. In central Rangoon, men who had aroused suspicion were thrown into waiting vans.
A bookseller stood in his shop doorway and watched the young soldiers stopping the passers-by. What did he think? "In this country, we are all blind and deaf," he said. "People have learned to keep quiet." The internet – restricted by the junta during the week to quell the protests – remained down, but Rangoon residents were eager for news. The owner of an electronics shop said his stock of short-wave radios had sold out as soon as they arrived.
A heavy tropical rainstorm helped to douse tensions, but by mid-afternoon a small group of men tried to gather to the west of Sule Pagoda, clapping and chanting. A dozen dark-green army trucks packed with soldiers sped to the scene, accompanied by two trucks carrying the hated Swan Ar Shin plain-clothed paramilitaries, with a prison van bringing up the rear. The crowd dispersed.
But the monks, who led days of dignified demonstrations between the city's golden pagodas, were nowhere to be seen. Those temples are now military encampments, surrounded by concrete blocks and barbed wire. Soldiers have raided monasteries by night, arresting monks and forcing many back to their homes.
The conventional view was that the military wouldn't dare touch the monks. The generals are Buddhists too, and know in their bones that there is nothing more impious than to abuse the holy men. But the survival instinct trumps even that. Now the monks are treated with the same ruthlessness as the regime's other internal enemies, the ethnic insurgents in the borderlands.
From the perspective of the generals, last weekend was when the rebellion began to look menacing. For several days the pongyi, the monks, had been allowed to process through Burma's cities with no state presence to hinder them. Then last Saturday a group of 500 of them arrived at the barricade that closes off the road where Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Burma's democracy movement, has been under house arrest for four years. Instead of being warned off and sent away, for unknown reasons they were allowed to pass. They walked to the gate of her compound, and she came out to meet them. The moment was captured by a mobile phone: Ms Suu Kyi, in canary yellow, her palms pressed together in greeting, separated from the monks by a line of riot police.
For the first time the new vanguard of Burma's revolution met its heroic leader – and somebody in the security forces let it happen. Alarm bells must have gone off at once in the new capital of Naypyidaw, where the generals hunker down. That same afternoon the rumour spread that the junta had decided to crack down on the monks, and when they tried to get to Ms Suu Kyi's house the next day, they were turned back. But by now 10,000 monks were conservatively estimated to be on the street, a great maroon river with the Burmese public cheering them on, prostrating before them, proferring water and foot balm – and increasingly marching alongside them.
Even more marched on Monday, providing the most stunning image of the rebellion – an entire, broad Rangoon boulevard packed with monks, as far as the eye could see. And still no police. It seemed the most pacific uprising the world had ever seen, but it entered a new phase when 50 leaders of Ms Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), threw in their lot with the monks and joined the march with party banners.
Now people were braced for the worst. Some schools, government offices and businesses failed to open, anticipating trouble, and at last the other shoe dropped. The regime's minister for religious affairs came on television to demand the marches stop – or there would be unspecified consequences, "according to the law".
But on Tuesday tens of thousands turned out once more, converging on Sule Pagoda and Shwedagon Pagoda, the two great Buddhist shrines that had become the focus of the uprising. But there was a change of mood. Some monks carried the fighting peacock flag, emblem of the 3,000 protesters slaughtered at the culmination of the protests of 1988. It seemed they could be preparing for martyrdom.
Late in the afternoon, army vans toured the city centre, threatening to break up protests, which (megaphones declared) were illegal. Then units of the Tatmadaw (Burmese army) began pouring into the city centre. Hundreds took up position around Sule Pagoda once the thousands of peaceful protesters had gone home, getting ready to seal it off.
Wednesday was the ninth day of the uprising of the monks, and the day it began to go horribly wrong. Tens of thousands, monks and ordinary Burmese, were back on the street in defiance of the military; if the numbers were fewer than on Monday or Tuesday, it was only because the army had bottled up many monks in their monasteries. But now soldiers trailed them in lorries, finally resorting to arms – firing tear gas around Shwedagon Pagoda, firing rounds in the air to stop the crowds from entering the shrine's grounds, and shooting to kill. It was the same by Sule Pagoda.
The uprising saw its first fatality – at least one dead and several wounded. And monks who still stood in the soldiers' way were beaten and carried off. The taboo against harming the men in robes had fallen.
By Thursday the mood had darkened dramatically. Rangoon was enveloped in gunsmoke and the stink of cordite, but thousands of terrified people remained determined to show their contempt and hatred for the junta. Mobile coverage was drastically reduced. Just when there was real, terrible news to report, it became far more difficult to communicate.
But the cruellest image of the week did make it out: the moment when Japanese video journalist Kenji Nagai was shot dead at point-blank range outside Sule Pagoda. The amateur video coverage of the killing quickly went round the world, infuriating the Japanese government and shaming the junta in the eyes of its few friends, such as the Chinese authorities. Soldiers went through the smart Trader's Hotel in the city centre, supposedly looking for foreign journalists covertly filming the crackdown.
On Thursday nine people were said to have died from gunshot wounds, and the word was of monasteries raided and hundreds of monks arrested, many beaten. By Friday, with no internet, rumours were rife about generals falling out among themselves; there was patchy, hit-and-run protesting on the streets. More people died, but it was impossible to know how many. Foreign leaders, including Gordon Brown, expressed the fear that the toll was far worse than the junta admitted.
Yesterday the news was that the UN envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, had finally been permitted to fly into the country. He was taken to a meeting with government officials and the Chinese ambassador to negotiate his itinerary. He will want to meet Ms Suu Kyi: the only photo of her in four years, until last Saturday, was taken with the envoy during his last visit. Now her street is barricaded with four rows of barbed wire and a sandbagged machine-gun position manned by a soldier.
Few believe Mr Gambari can achieve much, however: Burma's generals are accustomed to ignoring international condemnations. But this uprising isn't over. The junta has only managed to quell the protest by turning Rangoon into an armed camp.
"At some point, the soldiers have to go back to barracks and the monks will return to their monasteries," a Western aid worker pointed out. "The government can't keep a lid on this for ever."
Burma diary: Days that shook the world
Message boards and blogs from Monday 24 to Saturday 29 September brought the voices of Burma to the world:
Monday "We are very insecure as we don't know what the government is planning. The government-controlled papers say the monks are trying to agitate the public. This can be an excuse to start attacking the monks. I hope there won't be any bloodbath"
Soe Soe, Mandalay
Tuesday "Today the city is quiet and people go to work as normal. There are lots of rumours, but for the time being everything is calm. People are anxious to see what's going to happen. According to the government's warnings, today could be a big day."
Michel, Rangoon
Wednesday "I have just talked to my sister who lives in Rangoon ... The junta are using dirty tactics – they don't fire guns, but beat people with the backs of their rifles. The monks defiantly did not fight back, just endured the pain and died."
Anonymous Burmese woman
Thursday "There are many deaths on the streets of Rangoon. The military is taking away the bodies to hide their inhumane violence."
Wai, Rangoon
Friday "People seem to be determined to continue, despite the bullets, beatings and killings. Now is the time for the international community to take action."
Anonymous international resident, Rangoon
Saturday "I just received a call from a friend in Rangoon. He says the army have warned that if anyone is seen running into a house for sanctuary, they're going to demolish the building."
Neil, UK
Hope wanes among protesters in Myanmar
Die-hard protesters waved the peacock flag of the crushed pro-democracy movement on a solitary march Saturday through the eerily quiet streets of Myanmar's largest city, where many dissidents said they were resigned to defeat without international intervention.
Housewives and shop owners taunted troops but quickly disappeared into alleyways. According to diplomats briefed by witnesses, residents of three neighborhoods blocked soldiers from entering the monasteries in a crackdown on Buddhist monks, who led the largest in a month of demonstrations. The soldiers left threatening to return with reinforcements.
The top U.N. envoy on Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, arrived in the country but many protesters said they were nonetheless seeing a repeat of the global reaction to a 1988 pro-democracy uprising, when the world stood by as protesters were gunned down in the streets.
"Gambari is coming, but I don't think it will make much of a difference," said one hotel worker, who like other residents asked not to be named, fearing retaliation. "We have to find a solution ourselves."
Soldiers and police were posted on almost all corners in the cities of Yangon and Mandalay. Shopping malls, grocery stores and public parks were closed and few people dared to venture out of their homes.
A young woman who took part in a massive demonstration in Yangon Thursday said she didn't think "we have any more hope to win." She was separated from her boyfriend when police broke up the protest by firing into crowds and has not seen him since.
"The monks are the ones who give us courage," she said. Most of the clerics are now besieged in their monasteries behind locked gates and barbed wire.
Gambari was taken immediately to Naypyitaw, the remote, bunker-like capital where the country's military leaders are based. The White House urged the junta to allow him to have access to Aung San Suu Kyi — the Nobel Peace Prize laureate who is under house arrest — and ordinary Myanmar residents.
The demonstrations began last month as people angry over massive fuel price hikes took to the streets — then mushroomed into the tens of thousands after the monks began marching.
The junta, which has a long history of snuffing out dissent, started cracking down Wednesday, when the first of at least 10 deaths was reported, and then let loose on Thursday, shooting into a crowd of protesters and clubbing them with batons.
The crackdown triggered an unprecedented verbal flaying of Myanmar's generals from almost every corner of the world — even some criticism from No. 1 ally China.
But little else that might stay the junta's heavy hand is seen in the foreseeable future.
The United States, which exercises meager leverage, froze any assets that 14 Myanmar leaders may have in U.S. financial institutions and prohibited American citizens from doing business with them. The leaders, including Than Shwe, are believed to have few if any such connections.
The United Nations has compiled a lengthy record of failure in trying to broker reconciliation between the junta and Suu Kyi. Gambari has been snubbed and sometimes barred from entry by the ruling State Peace and Development Council, as the ruling junta is formally known.
The United States, Japan and others have turned a hopeful eye on China — Myanmar's biggest trading partner — as the most likely outside catalyst for change.
But China, India and Russia do not seem prepared to go beyond words in their dealings with the junta, ruling out sanctions as they jostle for a chance to get at Myanmar's bountiful and largely untapped natural resources, especially its oil and gas.
"Unless and until Beijing, Delhi and Moscow stand in unison in pressuring the SPDC for change, little will change," says Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political scientist at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University.
Some Chinese academics and diplomats say the international community may be overestimating what Beijing can do.
"I actually don't think China can influence Burma at all except through diplomacy. China's influence is not at all decisive," said Peking University Southeast Asia expert Liang Yingming.
India has switched from a vocal opponent of the junta to one currying favor with the generals as it struggles to corner energy supplies for its own rapidly expanding economy.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, a 10-member bloc which includes Myanmar, also has given no indication that it is considering an expulsion or any other action.
As governments heap criticism on the junta, Myanmar and foreign activists continue to call for concrete, urgent action.
"The world cannot fail the people of Burma again," said the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, an exile group based in Washington. "Selfless sacrifices deserve more than words and lip-service. They want effective intervention before it is too late."
Housewives and shop owners taunted troops but quickly disappeared into alleyways. According to diplomats briefed by witnesses, residents of three neighborhoods blocked soldiers from entering the monasteries in a crackdown on Buddhist monks, who led the largest in a month of demonstrations. The soldiers left threatening to return with reinforcements.
The top U.N. envoy on Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, arrived in the country but many protesters said they were nonetheless seeing a repeat of the global reaction to a 1988 pro-democracy uprising, when the world stood by as protesters were gunned down in the streets.
"Gambari is coming, but I don't think it will make much of a difference," said one hotel worker, who like other residents asked not to be named, fearing retaliation. "We have to find a solution ourselves."
Soldiers and police were posted on almost all corners in the cities of Yangon and Mandalay. Shopping malls, grocery stores and public parks were closed and few people dared to venture out of their homes.
A young woman who took part in a massive demonstration in Yangon Thursday said she didn't think "we have any more hope to win." She was separated from her boyfriend when police broke up the protest by firing into crowds and has not seen him since.
"The monks are the ones who give us courage," she said. Most of the clerics are now besieged in their monasteries behind locked gates and barbed wire.
Gambari was taken immediately to Naypyitaw, the remote, bunker-like capital where the country's military leaders are based. The White House urged the junta to allow him to have access to Aung San Suu Kyi — the Nobel Peace Prize laureate who is under house arrest — and ordinary Myanmar residents.
The demonstrations began last month as people angry over massive fuel price hikes took to the streets — then mushroomed into the tens of thousands after the monks began marching.
The junta, which has a long history of snuffing out dissent, started cracking down Wednesday, when the first of at least 10 deaths was reported, and then let loose on Thursday, shooting into a crowd of protesters and clubbing them with batons.
The crackdown triggered an unprecedented verbal flaying of Myanmar's generals from almost every corner of the world — even some criticism from No. 1 ally China.
But little else that might stay the junta's heavy hand is seen in the foreseeable future.
The United States, which exercises meager leverage, froze any assets that 14 Myanmar leaders may have in U.S. financial institutions and prohibited American citizens from doing business with them. The leaders, including Than Shwe, are believed to have few if any such connections.
The United Nations has compiled a lengthy record of failure in trying to broker reconciliation between the junta and Suu Kyi. Gambari has been snubbed and sometimes barred from entry by the ruling State Peace and Development Council, as the ruling junta is formally known.
The United States, Japan and others have turned a hopeful eye on China — Myanmar's biggest trading partner — as the most likely outside catalyst for change.
But China, India and Russia do not seem prepared to go beyond words in their dealings with the junta, ruling out sanctions as they jostle for a chance to get at Myanmar's bountiful and largely untapped natural resources, especially its oil and gas.
"Unless and until Beijing, Delhi and Moscow stand in unison in pressuring the SPDC for change, little will change," says Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political scientist at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University.
Some Chinese academics and diplomats say the international community may be overestimating what Beijing can do.
"I actually don't think China can influence Burma at all except through diplomacy. China's influence is not at all decisive," said Peking University Southeast Asia expert Liang Yingming.
India has switched from a vocal opponent of the junta to one currying favor with the generals as it struggles to corner energy supplies for its own rapidly expanding economy.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, a 10-member bloc which includes Myanmar, also has given no indication that it is considering an expulsion or any other action.
As governments heap criticism on the junta, Myanmar and foreign activists continue to call for concrete, urgent action.
"The world cannot fail the people of Burma again," said the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, an exile group based in Washington. "Selfless sacrifices deserve more than words and lip-service. They want effective intervention before it is too late."
Buddhist monks march in Rangoon
Burmese monks' protests escalate
Thousands of monks are protesting against the Burmese juntaThousands of Buddhist monks have protested in several Burmese cities in escalating protests against the military government.
In the western port city of Sittwe, nearly 2,000 monks demanded the release of four monks arrested on Tuesday.
About 1,000 monks marched through Mandalay, and several hundred more in Rangoon, the former capital.
They want a government apology for the violent break-up of a recent rally, triggered by protests over price rises.
Correspondents say the monks' protests will be worrying for the government since monks were key players in mass protests staged in 1988. These were violently put down by the junta and remain the last time the country's rulers were seriously challenged.
The protest in Sittwe was one of the largest since monks first joined the inflation-related protests at the end of last month.
The protesting monks have urged thousands of bystanders not to join in, but authorities must be fearful that escalating protests may become difficult to contain, correspondents say.
The monks are calling for the release of four of their fellow monks arrested during Tuesday's protests.
These were violently dispersed by the security forces, who fired warning shots and tear gas.
Some of the monks were beaten and several arrested, eyewitnesses say.
Tricky tactics
A new group that draws on militant youth elements among the monks - the Alliance of All Burmese Buddhist Monks - appears to be co-ordinating the monks' protests.
Protests worry leaders
It has asked its followers across the country to refuse alms and offerings from anyone connected to the military.
The monks' actions are deeply embarrassing to Burma's military rulers, but present them with a difficult dilemma, according to the BBC's South East Asia correspondent Jonathan Head.
Monks are highly respected figures in Burmese society, and treating protesting monks in the same way they might treat dissidents and ordinary citizens risks provoking huge public anger, he adds.
The monks had given the government a deadline of Monday night to apologise for its actions during an earlier rally in the city of Pakokku, when soldiers and state-backed militia reportedly beat up several monks.
But the deadline passed with no apology, and so a series of protests went ahead on Tuesday in Rangoon and other locations.
Fuel price hike
The monks' demonstrations are the latest in a series of recent protests in Burma, originally sparked by the military junta's decision to double the price of petrol and diesel on 15 August.
The move was not announced ahead of time and the reasons behind it remain unclear, but it has hit people hard.
Demonstrations have continued despite the arrest of many of Burma's most prominent activists.
The protests are likely to put added heat on the government, which is already under intense international pressure to implement democratic change.
A spokesman for the Alliance of All Burmese Buddhist Monks told the BBC that the monks had learnt from their experiences in 1988 and 1990 when their protests were easily put down by the military.
This time, he said, their leaders would remain underground.
Thousands of monks are protesting against the Burmese juntaThousands of Buddhist monks have protested in several Burmese cities in escalating protests against the military government.
In the western port city of Sittwe, nearly 2,000 monks demanded the release of four monks arrested on Tuesday.
About 1,000 monks marched through Mandalay, and several hundred more in Rangoon, the former capital.
They want a government apology for the violent break-up of a recent rally, triggered by protests over price rises.
Correspondents say the monks' protests will be worrying for the government since monks were key players in mass protests staged in 1988. These were violently put down by the junta and remain the last time the country's rulers were seriously challenged.
The protest in Sittwe was one of the largest since monks first joined the inflation-related protests at the end of last month.
The protesting monks have urged thousands of bystanders not to join in, but authorities must be fearful that escalating protests may become difficult to contain, correspondents say.
The monks are calling for the release of four of their fellow monks arrested during Tuesday's protests.
These were violently dispersed by the security forces, who fired warning shots and tear gas.
Some of the monks were beaten and several arrested, eyewitnesses say.
Tricky tactics
A new group that draws on militant youth elements among the monks - the Alliance of All Burmese Buddhist Monks - appears to be co-ordinating the monks' protests.
Protests worry leaders
It has asked its followers across the country to refuse alms and offerings from anyone connected to the military.
The monks' actions are deeply embarrassing to Burma's military rulers, but present them with a difficult dilemma, according to the BBC's South East Asia correspondent Jonathan Head.
Monks are highly respected figures in Burmese society, and treating protesting monks in the same way they might treat dissidents and ordinary citizens risks provoking huge public anger, he adds.
The monks had given the government a deadline of Monday night to apologise for its actions during an earlier rally in the city of Pakokku, when soldiers and state-backed militia reportedly beat up several monks.
But the deadline passed with no apology, and so a series of protests went ahead on Tuesday in Rangoon and other locations.
Fuel price hike
The monks' demonstrations are the latest in a series of recent protests in Burma, originally sparked by the military junta's decision to double the price of petrol and diesel on 15 August.
The move was not announced ahead of time and the reasons behind it remain unclear, but it has hit people hard.
Demonstrations have continued despite the arrest of many of Burma's most prominent activists.
The protests are likely to put added heat on the government, which is already under intense international pressure to implement democratic change.
A spokesman for the Alliance of All Burmese Buddhist Monks told the BBC that the monks had learnt from their experiences in 1988 and 1990 when their protests were easily put down by the military.
This time, he said, their leaders would remain underground.
Free Burma Coalition Mission
Towards an open society in Burma/Myanmar through interactions and integration
For FBC media comments and interviews, contact: Dr Zarni, Founder and Visiting Research Fellow, Queen Elizabeth House, at +44 (0)79 63 66 84 61
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About the Free Burma Coalition
FBC Activists Launching Pepsi Boycott, Chapel Hills, NC, USA, October 1995No more "Free Burma" Boycotts
The FBC was founded at the University of Wisconsin at Madison in 1995 as a Burmese-led political initiative to support Burmese people's aspirations and struggle for democracy and human rights through boycotts, pro-sanctions advocacy and Burma awareness promotion. For nearly one decade, we organized and successfully spearheaded the anti-apartheid- style pro-sanctions campaigns. But after having reviewed the effectiveness of our pro-sanctions campaigns against the objective of building an open society back home, we have categorically reversed our pro-isolation advocacy.
We now support efforts to interact and engage with the country - that is, the 'evil' junta, business sector and the society at large. We encourage travel and tourism, educational and cultural exchange, development activities aimed to support people's livelihoods, institutional and capacity building, and humanitarian assistance.Visit FBC Blog: Sample New IdeasDifferent Approaches Toward ChangeSampling "Democratic Intolerance" Savvy Salt of the Earth, not Cowed Burma as S. Africa: A Wrong Comparison Lessons from Our Own Past The Closing of "the Burmese Mind" Want to change Burma? Milk Powder RevolutionariesYour Homework?:Background Readings on Burma/MyanmarThe Burmese Conflict in a Nutshell: Burma/Myanmar 101 Click here to read the backgrounder.
A Short Guide to Myanmar and the International Community: Derek Tonkin, Former British Ambassador, 4 January 2006An EU Strategy for Burma/Myanmar- Harn Y.An Integrated Approach to National and Human Security in Burma/MyanmarZarni, Institute of Education, London, '05Leaving Home: Amnesty International Report7 September 2005"Common Problems,Shared Responsibilities": FBC Report14 September 2004FBC Report (Executive Summary)Essays on Social Change: Learning from Others
Development and DemocracyForeign Affairs, Sept/Oct '05ChinaUnrest in China's Countryside, Jan 2006Social Movements in Urban China, '06The Dynamics of China's Social Crisis, '06Georgia President Mikheil SaakashviliIndia Sonya GandhiIndonesiaScott AllenIraqHaifa Zangana, The Guardian, UKSingapore George Yeo TibetRoger Beaumont, The Nation, ThailandUkraineAndrew Osborn, The IndependentVietnamAdam Fforde, Australia Venezuela (and the United Nations)President Hugo Chavez
Think Global : Further Readings
Robert Fisk on End of the Year Review, Dec 2005Richard Falk on Human Rights, Foreign Policy, '05Richard N. Haass on Regime Change, Foreign Affairs, '05Adrian Hamilton on American Discovery of Democracy, The Independent, UK, '05 Base PoliticsForeign Affairs, Nov-Dec 2005How Washington has consistently undermined its ostensible propagation of 'democracy' by cutting deals with some of the world's most heinous regimes Read more. The Demons of an Open SocietyLSE Public Lecture, October 2005Professor Zygmunt BaumanRead the transcript.
An old Karen Lady in traditional attire:Fetching water in bamboo "buckets"Armed Conflict Zone of Kawthoolei
A young Karen guerrilla fighter cleaning his AK-47 during an upstream journey on River Salween, April 2003
The First Checkpoint on the Road Map – National ConventionTwo Karen guerrilas on patrol April 2003
Dr. Alice Khin Saw Win, Saw Kapi and Dr. Zarni (The Burma Strategy Group) December 15, 2003The international delegates from about 10 countries along with UN Special Envoy Ismail Razali are gathering at the Thai-sponsored international forum on Burma in Bangkok on December 15, 2003 to hear representatives of the State Peace..
Talking with the SPDC The Politics of Negotiation and KNU's Cautious Efforts for National ReconciliationKaren National UnionJoint SecretaryMajor Htoo Htoo Leiexplains his viewson KNU-Rangoon ceasefireas P'do Khwe looks onSummer 2004 Saw Kapi and Naw May Oo
Deliberately led by its Vice Chairman, Gen. Saw Bo Mya, the Karen National Union (KNU) recently made a series of efforts in pursuit of peace that caught many in the Burma's opposition movement by surprise. A five-member KNU delegation,
Confronting the Realities: KNU Weighs Strategic Options for Burma's Political DeadlockSaw Kapi
Speculation abounds within Burma's democratic forces and the international community, as the State Peace and development Council, one of the longest running military regimes in the world, makes a fresh move. The SPDC has offered its seven-step road map that calls for
Contact us at info@freeburmacoalition.org
Who amongst the Burmese pays the price of Western boycott and international isolation?Evil Generals? Noble Dissidents? Or ordinary people and their children??!!Reflect before You Act!
Updates: Burma/Myanmar and Relevant Items25 September 2007
"Free Burma Coalition supports fully tourism and travel to Myanmar (Burma) as part of its support for the emergence of an open society."Read more.
Want to visit Myanmar (Burma)? Consult with the Voices for Burma, ethical tourism promotion group.
http://www.voicesforburma.org/
Useful Links About Burma
mizzima.com
irrawaddy.org
photos
Revolution for Reconciliation?
"This is the time for reconciliation, cooler heads, dialogue and working together amongst all Burmese, soldiers and civilians."
Zarni
If you have missed or were unable to watch or listen live today's one-hour-long programme on Burma (9 September Sunday, 1406 hr GMT).
Mission of Burma: Laura Bush Edition
Kerry Howley, 6 September 2007, Reason
UN envoy urges Burma constitution talks
Mark Turner at the United Nations and Amy Kazmin in Bangkok, 6 September 2007, Finicial Time
UN Special Envoy Ibraham Gambari's Press Conference on Myanma/Burma
5 September 2007, www.ung.org
Laura Bush's Burmese Crusade
HANNAH BEECH, 5 September 2007, Time
Burma Goes from Bad to Worse
Thant Myint-U, 30 August 2007, Time
Where Protests Can Prolong Army Rule
J. Sri Raman29 August 2007, www.truthour.org
Miles Kington: Repressive regimes thrive on international outcry
23 August 2007, The Independent
Jared Genser: Gordon Brown's strange silence on Burma
21 August 2007, The Independent
"Understanding Burma I: A Burmese Historian's View", 4 August 2007
The river of lost footstepsFROM A DISTANCEBy CARMEN N. PEDROSA, ABS-CBN Interactive
"A Typically Flawed View from the West", 2 August 2007
ASEAN toughens up
From the Economist Intelligence UnitAugust 2nd 2007
Exploring the roots of conflict
29 July 2009, The Star, Malaysia
US sanctions policy on Myanmar has failed
P. Parameswaran, 25 July 2007
INDIA: Under fire for planned helicopter sale to Burma
July 17 2007, ABC Radio Australia
EU-Burma Arms Embargo
Click the above link to listen
Click here to read the transcript.
July 16 2007, BBC World Service Interview
AMNESTY INTERNATIONALPRESS RELEASE
July 16 2007
Rangoon-Oxford-Bangkok link up
June 19 2007, BBC Burmese
Myanmar's political prisoner
May 29th 2007
Myanmar, unusual threat to US?
Maung Zarni, 26 May 2007, The Brunie Times
Myanmar: An "Unusual and Extraordinary Threat" to the US
Maung Zarni, 24 May 2007
For Amnesty International's Press Release launching its 2007 Report click here:
23 May 2007
Does Burma need you?If you want to help the people of Burma, then go, says Thant Myint-U.
19 May 2007, The Times
SANCTIONS REVISITED: Burmese Opposition Radio in OsloClive Parker, 9 May 2007, DVB
Buddha's lost world
Wendy Gomersall, 6 May 2007, The Scotsman
The biggest travel taboo: a holiday in Burma
Fiona Dunlop, 29 April 2007, The Observer
Books :A Burmese pilgrim's progress
29 April 2007, The Nation
Burma and the Competence of the UN Security Council
Derek Tonkin, 8 March 2007, Asian Tribune
Worldstage: Freezing out the generals does not help the Burmese
Nick Wood, 7 March 2007, Telegraph
Myanmar's neighbors hold the key
Stanley A. Weiss, 7 March 2007, International Herald Tribune
Reframing the ‘Burma question’
Thant Myint-U, February 2007, HIMĀL SOUTHASIAN
Challenges and Prospects for the Future of ASEAN - EU RelationsTrack II Workshop in Yangon, 19-20 September 2006
What to do about Burma
Thant Myint-U, London Review of Books
Vol. 29 No. 3 dated 8 February 2007
Historian Thant Myint-U is a former U.N. official and a native of Burma. His new book, The River of Lost Footsteps: Histories of Burma - part memoir, part history - explores the problems plaguing the country.
Myanmar 'falls outside council's mandate' Xolisa Mabhongo: Right to reply
04 February 2007 11:59
BBC Burmese Debate on the predictable failure US-UK campaign at the UN Security Council
Click the above link to listen.
U Kyaw Zan Tha, U Win Naing, Dr Than Naing & Dr Zarni, 24 January 2007, BBC Burmese Evening Programme
UN Vetoes Prolong Burma Agony
Simon Tisdall, 17 January 2007, The Guardian
Lessons from Myanmar's Failed Revolution
Zarni, 16 January 2007, OpinionAsia
World: Histories of Burma, US National Public Radio
Fresh Air from WHYY, 16 January 2007
Finally, Rambo Boy Does Burma
Zarni, 2 December 2006, Mizzima News Group
About 3 weeks ago, Deputy Secretary General Ibrahim Gambari, A Nigerian, came to Myanmar for the second time and went back to UN Headquarters, well, empty-handed. He didn't get anything from his meetings with not only Senior General Than Shwe but also Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Time for Rethinking Social Change in Myanmar/Burma
By Dr. Zarni, 19 September 2006
It's time for a new way of thinking about social change in Myanmar/Burma and for a review of the current punishment-based international policies directed towards our country.
Burma Special: Why we must talk to the generals
Maung Zarni, 14 August 2006, New Statesman
Focusing on Aung San Suu Kyi may not be the best way to bring democracy to Burma, argues Maung Zarni. Real change, he says, will require the co-operation of those now in power.
Boycott Rooted in McCarthy's Unhappy Legacy23 June 2006, Financial Times
Should Tourists go to Burma?British Broadcasting Corporation, 19 June 2006
To Go or Not To Go: Reflections by Former Boycott OrganizerZarni, 23 June 2006A Crack in the Burmese Door21 June 2006, Ibrahim A. GambariInternational Herlad TribuneThe Futility of threatening Burma16 June 2006, ZarniThe IndependentRemember Asia's Nelson Mandela: a political act of the first importance15 June 2006, Timothy Garton AshThe GuardianThe Burma Debate: The Natives' Views
NLD Statement on the Call for UNSC Action21 September 2005CRPP and 1988 Student Leaders on the Call for UNSC Action2 October 2005
Impoverishment as 'Freedom': A View from a Frontline TrenchDr. Khin Zaw Win, former Prisoner of Conscience (jail time 1994-2005)
Western sanctions and isolation only stymie the emergence of a vibrant civil society, 4 Jan '06Isolating Burma will not help the people of Burma: Comment, The Independent, June '05 Will UN Act on Burma/Myanmar - Harn Yawngwe, Dec 2005 KNU Statement on the Call for UNSC Action25 September 2005Two Ceasefire Groups on the Call for UNSC Action1 October 2005 Student Generation since 1988 speaks out on humanitaran asistance6 September 2005Response by the State Peace and Development Council or Myanmar Government28 September 2005 A young Karen boy on his boat journey homeon River Salween, dividing Eastern Burma and Northern Thailand, April 2003Myanmar (Burma) defers its turn to chair ASEANOfficial Statement by ASEAN26 July 2005 Select Burmese Media Interviews
Your views on Dr. Zarni's trip to Burma
BBC Program on the Trip
VOA Interview I/ Dr.Zarni
VOA Interview II/ Dr. Zarni
VOA Interview/ Salai Hremang
VOA Interview/ Naw May Oo
More Interviews (In Burmese)Conversation with Dr. Zarni (Burma Today)
Conversation with Moe Thee Zun (Burma Today's Interview)
Burma Development React (VOA)
A FBC Organizer teaching at a refugee school on Burmese-Thai BordersJune 2004
A FBC talkKalamazoo College, Michigan, USAFebruary 2004
Voices of Reason.
"A flyer distributed in the crowds dealt with ahimsa (non-violence) and how all Burmese are suffering at the hands of one another andasked all to come together to end the suffering."
September 23, 2007, Mizzima News (ww.mizzima.com)
"Isolation is the regime's default condition. It is what fuels the present system. Burma might not become a democracy overnight, but itwill certainly improve with more outside interaction. Would Indonesia be better off if no one had visited during its 30 years of military rule?"
Thant Myint-U, author of "River of Lost Foot Steps", on the boycott of Burma/Myanmar
"(Aung San) Suu Kyi had come a long way to realize that democracy can only be done through the generals, with the latter still in the driving seat. This realization of hers is in stark contrast to the imperious, principled and unbending Suu Kyi I had met over twenty meetings ago."
Former UN Special Envoy Razali Ismail, April 2007
Read more."For 26 years Myanmar experienced impoverishment in the name of socialism; it now appears there is to be impoverishment in the name of democracy, (thanks in part to the misguided Western sanctions against our country)."Dr. Khin Zaw Win, former Prisoner of Conscience (jail time 1994-2005)in 'Impoverishment as Freedom' "Nothing (sanctions by the West or 'Constructive Engagement" by theEast) works, yet something needs to be done." - George Soros, 11 Jan 2006. Read more."If you go to Rangoon, you'll see sanctions hurt the wrong people."Razali Ismail, Former UN Special Envoy to Burma, BBC World Service, 9 Jan 2006.Read the transcript."...the UN Security Council briefing on Burma ... will not solve Burma's problems unless and until there is a viable alternative to the current dictatorship."Harn Yawngwe, A Shan Exile, Dec. '05.
Read more."In retrospect, I feel like the effort we put into getting ordinances and sanctions passed became a goal in and of itself, and we forgot about its true purpose: to help the underprivileged of Burma."A Burmese "Free Burma" campaign veteran, 28 Sept. '05Read more.
SELECT MEDIA INTERVIEWSBBC World ServiceInterview with Dr Zarni June 18, 2005GMT 2200 Click here to listen.In Search of a Model for Myanmarby Rob Gifford (Comments by David Steinberg, Zarni, etc.)
Click here to listen.
Weekend Edition - Sunday, June 19, 2005
What effect are international sanctions having on Myanmar? In an effort to push the military regime in the former Burma toward democracy, many countries have restricted trade. But Amnesty International says the regime is tightening its crackdown on dissent.Email your comments to info@freeburmacoalition.orgif you wish to share them with FBC members and others.
ShweDagon Pagoda, the landmark of Rangoon, seen from Royal Lake, October 2005 Burmese Buddhist Devotees inside the Gold-covered Mahamuni Temple:MandalayA Deceptively Heavenly View:The cloud-soaked mountainsKaren State, April 2003Conflict in the Rainforest: Karen guerrillas taking a breakfrom Fifty Years' War (1948-)April 2003 Surviving Tsunami:Southern Coastal Linenear KawthaungJune 2003
Praying for a better next life?:A Buddhist monk at the Shwedagon Pagoda, Rangoon Terror in Rangoon:The City of "the End of Strife"Rocked by 3 Bomb BlastsMay 2005Young novices during study break:A Buddhist Monastery, Pagan Terrace Cultivation:Kawthoolei or Karen StateMay 2003**********************FBC Organizers ata negotiation exercise/workshopThe US Institute of PeaceArlie House, VirginiaJuly 2004 FBC-ers trekking through the armed conflict zone, Kawthoolei, Burma, May 2003
This is our old site. We are also building a new one. Please bear with us while we are making efforts to create a new and improved site. Thank you.
Please feel free to use any picture from our site for educational purposes. But do drop us a note and let us know and/or mention FBC for photo credits.:The Free Burma CoalitionE-mail - info@freeburmacoalition.org
For FBC media comments and interviews, contact: Dr Zarni, Founder and Visiting Research Fellow, Queen Elizabeth House, at +44 (0)79 63 66 84 61
Click here and see if you have been listed in the Book of "Enemies of the (Burmese) Revolution".
About the Free Burma Coalition
FBC Activists Launching Pepsi Boycott, Chapel Hills, NC, USA, October 1995No more "Free Burma" Boycotts
The FBC was founded at the University of Wisconsin at Madison in 1995 as a Burmese-led political initiative to support Burmese people's aspirations and struggle for democracy and human rights through boycotts, pro-sanctions advocacy and Burma awareness promotion. For nearly one decade, we organized and successfully spearheaded the anti-apartheid- style pro-sanctions campaigns. But after having reviewed the effectiveness of our pro-sanctions campaigns against the objective of building an open society back home, we have categorically reversed our pro-isolation advocacy.
We now support efforts to interact and engage with the country - that is, the 'evil' junta, business sector and the society at large. We encourage travel and tourism, educational and cultural exchange, development activities aimed to support people's livelihoods, institutional and capacity building, and humanitarian assistance.Visit FBC Blog: Sample New IdeasDifferent Approaches Toward ChangeSampling "Democratic Intolerance" Savvy Salt of the Earth, not Cowed Burma as S. Africa: A Wrong Comparison Lessons from Our Own Past The Closing of "the Burmese Mind" Want to change Burma? Milk Powder RevolutionariesYour Homework?:Background Readings on Burma/MyanmarThe Burmese Conflict in a Nutshell: Burma/Myanmar 101 Click here to read the backgrounder.
A Short Guide to Myanmar and the International Community: Derek Tonkin, Former British Ambassador, 4 January 2006An EU Strategy for Burma/Myanmar- Harn Y.An Integrated Approach to National and Human Security in Burma/MyanmarZarni, Institute of Education, London, '05Leaving Home: Amnesty International Report7 September 2005"Common Problems,Shared Responsibilities": FBC Report14 September 2004FBC Report (Executive Summary)Essays on Social Change: Learning from Others
Development and DemocracyForeign Affairs, Sept/Oct '05ChinaUnrest in China's Countryside, Jan 2006Social Movements in Urban China, '06The Dynamics of China's Social Crisis, '06Georgia President Mikheil SaakashviliIndia Sonya GandhiIndonesiaScott AllenIraqHaifa Zangana, The Guardian, UKSingapore George Yeo TibetRoger Beaumont, The Nation, ThailandUkraineAndrew Osborn, The IndependentVietnamAdam Fforde, Australia Venezuela (and the United Nations)President Hugo Chavez
Think Global : Further Readings
Robert Fisk on End of the Year Review, Dec 2005Richard Falk on Human Rights, Foreign Policy, '05Richard N. Haass on Regime Change, Foreign Affairs, '05Adrian Hamilton on American Discovery of Democracy, The Independent, UK, '05 Base PoliticsForeign Affairs, Nov-Dec 2005How Washington has consistently undermined its ostensible propagation of 'democracy' by cutting deals with some of the world's most heinous regimes Read more. The Demons of an Open SocietyLSE Public Lecture, October 2005Professor Zygmunt BaumanRead the transcript.
An old Karen Lady in traditional attire:Fetching water in bamboo "buckets"Armed Conflict Zone of Kawthoolei
A young Karen guerrilla fighter cleaning his AK-47 during an upstream journey on River Salween, April 2003
The First Checkpoint on the Road Map – National ConventionTwo Karen guerrilas on patrol April 2003
Dr. Alice Khin Saw Win, Saw Kapi and Dr. Zarni (The Burma Strategy Group) December 15, 2003The international delegates from about 10 countries along with UN Special Envoy Ismail Razali are gathering at the Thai-sponsored international forum on Burma in Bangkok on December 15, 2003 to hear representatives of the State Peace..
Talking with the SPDC The Politics of Negotiation and KNU's Cautious Efforts for National ReconciliationKaren National UnionJoint SecretaryMajor Htoo Htoo Leiexplains his viewson KNU-Rangoon ceasefireas P'do Khwe looks onSummer 2004 Saw Kapi and Naw May Oo
Deliberately led by its Vice Chairman, Gen. Saw Bo Mya, the Karen National Union (KNU) recently made a series of efforts in pursuit of peace that caught many in the Burma's opposition movement by surprise. A five-member KNU delegation,
Confronting the Realities: KNU Weighs Strategic Options for Burma's Political DeadlockSaw Kapi
Speculation abounds within Burma's democratic forces and the international community, as the State Peace and development Council, one of the longest running military regimes in the world, makes a fresh move. The SPDC has offered its seven-step road map that calls for
Contact us at info@freeburmacoalition.org
Who amongst the Burmese pays the price of Western boycott and international isolation?Evil Generals? Noble Dissidents? Or ordinary people and their children??!!Reflect before You Act!
Updates: Burma/Myanmar and Relevant Items25 September 2007
"Free Burma Coalition supports fully tourism and travel to Myanmar (Burma) as part of its support for the emergence of an open society."Read more.
Want to visit Myanmar (Burma)? Consult with the Voices for Burma, ethical tourism promotion group.
http://www.voicesforburma.org/
Useful Links About Burma
mizzima.com
irrawaddy.org
photos
Revolution for Reconciliation?
"This is the time for reconciliation, cooler heads, dialogue and working together amongst all Burmese, soldiers and civilians."
Zarni
If you have missed or were unable to watch or listen live today's one-hour-long programme on Burma (9 September Sunday, 1406 hr GMT).
Mission of Burma: Laura Bush Edition
Kerry Howley, 6 September 2007, Reason
UN envoy urges Burma constitution talks
Mark Turner at the United Nations and Amy Kazmin in Bangkok, 6 September 2007, Finicial Time
UN Special Envoy Ibraham Gambari's Press Conference on Myanma/Burma
5 September 2007, www.ung.org
Laura Bush's Burmese Crusade
HANNAH BEECH, 5 September 2007, Time
Burma Goes from Bad to Worse
Thant Myint-U, 30 August 2007, Time
Where Protests Can Prolong Army Rule
J. Sri Raman29 August 2007, www.truthour.org
Miles Kington: Repressive regimes thrive on international outcry
23 August 2007, The Independent
Jared Genser: Gordon Brown's strange silence on Burma
21 August 2007, The Independent
"Understanding Burma I: A Burmese Historian's View", 4 August 2007
The river of lost footstepsFROM A DISTANCEBy CARMEN N. PEDROSA, ABS-CBN Interactive
"A Typically Flawed View from the West", 2 August 2007
ASEAN toughens up
From the Economist Intelligence UnitAugust 2nd 2007
Exploring the roots of conflict
29 July 2009, The Star, Malaysia
US sanctions policy on Myanmar has failed
P. Parameswaran, 25 July 2007
INDIA: Under fire for planned helicopter sale to Burma
July 17 2007, ABC Radio Australia
EU-Burma Arms Embargo
Click the above link to listen
Click here to read the transcript.
July 16 2007, BBC World Service Interview
AMNESTY INTERNATIONALPRESS RELEASE
July 16 2007
Rangoon-Oxford-Bangkok link up
June 19 2007, BBC Burmese
Myanmar's political prisoner
May 29th 2007
Myanmar, unusual threat to US?
Maung Zarni, 26 May 2007, The Brunie Times
Myanmar: An "Unusual and Extraordinary Threat" to the US
Maung Zarni, 24 May 2007
For Amnesty International's Press Release launching its 2007 Report click here:
23 May 2007
Does Burma need you?If you want to help the people of Burma, then go, says Thant Myint-U.
19 May 2007, The Times
SANCTIONS REVISITED: Burmese Opposition Radio in OsloClive Parker, 9 May 2007, DVB
Buddha's lost world
Wendy Gomersall, 6 May 2007, The Scotsman
The biggest travel taboo: a holiday in Burma
Fiona Dunlop, 29 April 2007, The Observer
Books :A Burmese pilgrim's progress
29 April 2007, The Nation
Burma and the Competence of the UN Security Council
Derek Tonkin, 8 March 2007, Asian Tribune
Worldstage: Freezing out the generals does not help the Burmese
Nick Wood, 7 March 2007, Telegraph
Myanmar's neighbors hold the key
Stanley A. Weiss, 7 March 2007, International Herald Tribune
Reframing the ‘Burma question’
Thant Myint-U, February 2007, HIMĀL SOUTHASIAN
Challenges and Prospects for the Future of ASEAN - EU RelationsTrack II Workshop in Yangon, 19-20 September 2006
What to do about Burma
Thant Myint-U, London Review of Books
Vol. 29 No. 3 dated 8 February 2007
Historian Thant Myint-U is a former U.N. official and a native of Burma. His new book, The River of Lost Footsteps: Histories of Burma - part memoir, part history - explores the problems plaguing the country.
Myanmar 'falls outside council's mandate' Xolisa Mabhongo: Right to reply
04 February 2007 11:59
BBC Burmese Debate on the predictable failure US-UK campaign at the UN Security Council
Click the above link to listen.
U Kyaw Zan Tha, U Win Naing, Dr Than Naing & Dr Zarni, 24 January 2007, BBC Burmese Evening Programme
UN Vetoes Prolong Burma Agony
Simon Tisdall, 17 January 2007, The Guardian
Lessons from Myanmar's Failed Revolution
Zarni, 16 January 2007, OpinionAsia
World: Histories of Burma, US National Public Radio
Fresh Air from WHYY, 16 January 2007
Finally, Rambo Boy Does Burma
Zarni, 2 December 2006, Mizzima News Group
About 3 weeks ago, Deputy Secretary General Ibrahim Gambari, A Nigerian, came to Myanmar for the second time and went back to UN Headquarters, well, empty-handed. He didn't get anything from his meetings with not only Senior General Than Shwe but also Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Time for Rethinking Social Change in Myanmar/Burma
By Dr. Zarni, 19 September 2006
It's time for a new way of thinking about social change in Myanmar/Burma and for a review of the current punishment-based international policies directed towards our country.
Burma Special: Why we must talk to the generals
Maung Zarni, 14 August 2006, New Statesman
Focusing on Aung San Suu Kyi may not be the best way to bring democracy to Burma, argues Maung Zarni. Real change, he says, will require the co-operation of those now in power.
Boycott Rooted in McCarthy's Unhappy Legacy23 June 2006, Financial Times
Should Tourists go to Burma?British Broadcasting Corporation, 19 June 2006
To Go or Not To Go: Reflections by Former Boycott OrganizerZarni, 23 June 2006A Crack in the Burmese Door21 June 2006, Ibrahim A. GambariInternational Herlad TribuneThe Futility of threatening Burma16 June 2006, ZarniThe IndependentRemember Asia's Nelson Mandela: a political act of the first importance15 June 2006, Timothy Garton AshThe GuardianThe Burma Debate: The Natives' Views
NLD Statement on the Call for UNSC Action21 September 2005CRPP and 1988 Student Leaders on the Call for UNSC Action2 October 2005
Impoverishment as 'Freedom': A View from a Frontline TrenchDr. Khin Zaw Win, former Prisoner of Conscience (jail time 1994-2005)
Western sanctions and isolation only stymie the emergence of a vibrant civil society, 4 Jan '06Isolating Burma will not help the people of Burma: Comment, The Independent, June '05 Will UN Act on Burma/Myanmar - Harn Yawngwe, Dec 2005 KNU Statement on the Call for UNSC Action25 September 2005Two Ceasefire Groups on the Call for UNSC Action1 October 2005 Student Generation since 1988 speaks out on humanitaran asistance6 September 2005Response by the State Peace and Development Council or Myanmar Government28 September 2005 A young Karen boy on his boat journey homeon River Salween, dividing Eastern Burma and Northern Thailand, April 2003Myanmar (Burma) defers its turn to chair ASEANOfficial Statement by ASEAN26 July 2005 Select Burmese Media Interviews
Your views on Dr. Zarni's trip to Burma
BBC Program on the Trip
VOA Interview I/ Dr.Zarni
VOA Interview II/ Dr. Zarni
VOA Interview/ Salai Hremang
VOA Interview/ Naw May Oo
More Interviews (In Burmese)Conversation with Dr. Zarni (Burma Today)
Conversation with Moe Thee Zun (Burma Today's Interview)
Burma Development React (VOA)
A FBC Organizer teaching at a refugee school on Burmese-Thai BordersJune 2004
A FBC talkKalamazoo College, Michigan, USAFebruary 2004
Voices of Reason.
"A flyer distributed in the crowds dealt with ahimsa (non-violence) and how all Burmese are suffering at the hands of one another andasked all to come together to end the suffering."
September 23, 2007, Mizzima News (ww.mizzima.com)
"Isolation is the regime's default condition. It is what fuels the present system. Burma might not become a democracy overnight, but itwill certainly improve with more outside interaction. Would Indonesia be better off if no one had visited during its 30 years of military rule?"
Thant Myint-U, author of "River of Lost Foot Steps", on the boycott of Burma/Myanmar
"(Aung San) Suu Kyi had come a long way to realize that democracy can only be done through the generals, with the latter still in the driving seat. This realization of hers is in stark contrast to the imperious, principled and unbending Suu Kyi I had met over twenty meetings ago."
Former UN Special Envoy Razali Ismail, April 2007
Read more."For 26 years Myanmar experienced impoverishment in the name of socialism; it now appears there is to be impoverishment in the name of democracy, (thanks in part to the misguided Western sanctions against our country)."Dr. Khin Zaw Win, former Prisoner of Conscience (jail time 1994-2005)in 'Impoverishment as Freedom' "Nothing (sanctions by the West or 'Constructive Engagement" by theEast) works, yet something needs to be done." - George Soros, 11 Jan 2006. Read more."If you go to Rangoon, you'll see sanctions hurt the wrong people."Razali Ismail, Former UN Special Envoy to Burma, BBC World Service, 9 Jan 2006.Read the transcript."...the UN Security Council briefing on Burma ... will not solve Burma's problems unless and until there is a viable alternative to the current dictatorship."Harn Yawngwe, A Shan Exile, Dec. '05.
Read more."In retrospect, I feel like the effort we put into getting ordinances and sanctions passed became a goal in and of itself, and we forgot about its true purpose: to help the underprivileged of Burma."A Burmese "Free Burma" campaign veteran, 28 Sept. '05Read more.
SELECT MEDIA INTERVIEWSBBC World ServiceInterview with Dr Zarni June 18, 2005GMT 2200 Click here to listen.In Search of a Model for Myanmarby Rob Gifford (Comments by David Steinberg, Zarni, etc.)
Click here to listen.
Weekend Edition - Sunday, June 19, 2005
What effect are international sanctions having on Myanmar? In an effort to push the military regime in the former Burma toward democracy, many countries have restricted trade. But Amnesty International says the regime is tightening its crackdown on dissent.Email your comments to info@freeburmacoalition.orgif you wish to share them with FBC members and others.
ShweDagon Pagoda, the landmark of Rangoon, seen from Royal Lake, October 2005 Burmese Buddhist Devotees inside the Gold-covered Mahamuni Temple:MandalayA Deceptively Heavenly View:The cloud-soaked mountainsKaren State, April 2003Conflict in the Rainforest: Karen guerrillas taking a breakfrom Fifty Years' War (1948-)April 2003 Surviving Tsunami:Southern Coastal Linenear KawthaungJune 2003
Praying for a better next life?:A Buddhist monk at the Shwedagon Pagoda, Rangoon Terror in Rangoon:The City of "the End of Strife"Rocked by 3 Bomb BlastsMay 2005Young novices during study break:A Buddhist Monastery, Pagan Terrace Cultivation:Kawthoolei or Karen StateMay 2003**********************FBC Organizers ata negotiation exercise/workshopThe US Institute of PeaceArlie House, VirginiaJuly 2004 FBC-ers trekking through the armed conflict zone, Kawthoolei, Burma, May 2003
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Blogging For Burma
I am so touched by the plight of the Burmese that I have created a new Blog. You are all invited to participate by posting articles on your blogs, Sites, Forums, etc. and then provide the links to your post in comments or on the cbox on the new Blog "Blogging For Burma"
click here to see Blogging For Burma
Note-Some of the most beautiful Ancient Wonders on the Planet are Located in Myanmar(Burma). If the Buddist Monks are being killed along with other civilians, what do you think will happen to the Monuments and Treasures there?
Please Copy anything you like from this site. Use this site as a resource to place posts on blogs, Forums, Message Boards, Emails and so on! Please help Burma!
An Eye in the Sky on Burma
On Friday Burma began to go dark. After days of the largest street protests since 1988, the ruling military junta cracked down, confronting and firing on civilians, reportedly sealing thousands of monks inside their monasteries. Lines of communication into the country were apparently being cut, with Internet cafes closed and web sites shut down, leaving Burmese exile groups and reporters starving for information.
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But while the junta can control the street, the monasteries and even the web, they can't control the sky. On Friday the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS), working with Burmese groups, released a new analysis of high-resolution satellite images that pinpointed evidence of human rights violations in the eastern Burma. For the first time in Burma, scientists were able to use orbital satellites to confirm on-the-ground reports of burned villages and forced relocations of civilians by the military. The technique has already been used to document human rights abuses in Zimbabwe and Darfur, but in Burma, a closed country that often seems like a modern-day version of Orwell's 1984, it's almost like turning Big Brother against itself. "We are sending a message to the military junta that we are watching from the sky," said Aung Din, policy director for the U.S. Campaign for Burma.
Here's how it works: AAAS researcher Lars Bromley took field descriptions from Burmese groups of more than 70 incidents of human rights violations that took place between mid-2006 and early 2007 in the Burma's eastern Karen State, where a rebellion against the government has been simmering for over 50 years. Those reports included mortar attacks against civilians and forced marches, as the military fought to establish total control over the area. But while the junta's brutality is well known, confirming individual reports inside Burma has always been difficult, thanks in part to the dense jungle that covers much of the country. "In Darfur, if a village is wiped out you can see traces of it for years to come," said Bromley, the director of the AAAS Geospatial Technologies and Human Rights project. "In Burma the vegetation will grow over in a year or so."
AAAS took the incident reports and combed over commercially available satellite images of around 2,000 sq. km of the country, searching for before and after pictures that would visually confirm what the human rights groups were telling them. The satellites can see objects as small as 60 cm across, and in 31 out of 70 attempts, researchers were able find physical evidence — village houses that had disappeared, the sudden appearance of military camps — that corresponded with the reports. "As these attacks take place, there's often denial from the military government," says Bromley. "If you can put together an image of the aftermath of an attack, it discredits that denial."
With the Burmese junta trying to shut the country down tight, such long-range observation is more important than ever. Bromley told reporters that the AAAS had ordered up new images from Burma's major cities, Rangoon and Mandalay, over the past few days, as the military cracked down on protests and that they expect to analyze the new data soon. "We've been cut off from Burma, so we're trying to monitor the situation through the satellites," said Aung.
The question now is what effect these pictures will have. Aung and his fellow exiles hope that the satellite evidence will help persuade China and Russia to stop blocking United Nations Security Council action against the junta. It's a long shot, but with a military cordon drawing around Burma, every scrap of data will help.
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But while the junta can control the street, the monasteries and even the web, they can't control the sky. On Friday the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS), working with Burmese groups, released a new analysis of high-resolution satellite images that pinpointed evidence of human rights violations in the eastern Burma. For the first time in Burma, scientists were able to use orbital satellites to confirm on-the-ground reports of burned villages and forced relocations of civilians by the military. The technique has already been used to document human rights abuses in Zimbabwe and Darfur, but in Burma, a closed country that often seems like a modern-day version of Orwell's 1984, it's almost like turning Big Brother against itself. "We are sending a message to the military junta that we are watching from the sky," said Aung Din, policy director for the U.S. Campaign for Burma.
Here's how it works: AAAS researcher Lars Bromley took field descriptions from Burmese groups of more than 70 incidents of human rights violations that took place between mid-2006 and early 2007 in the Burma's eastern Karen State, where a rebellion against the government has been simmering for over 50 years. Those reports included mortar attacks against civilians and forced marches, as the military fought to establish total control over the area. But while the junta's brutality is well known, confirming individual reports inside Burma has always been difficult, thanks in part to the dense jungle that covers much of the country. "In Darfur, if a village is wiped out you can see traces of it for years to come," said Bromley, the director of the AAAS Geospatial Technologies and Human Rights project. "In Burma the vegetation will grow over in a year or so."
AAAS took the incident reports and combed over commercially available satellite images of around 2,000 sq. km of the country, searching for before and after pictures that would visually confirm what the human rights groups were telling them. The satellites can see objects as small as 60 cm across, and in 31 out of 70 attempts, researchers were able find physical evidence — village houses that had disappeared, the sudden appearance of military camps — that corresponded with the reports. "As these attacks take place, there's often denial from the military government," says Bromley. "If you can put together an image of the aftermath of an attack, it discredits that denial."
With the Burmese junta trying to shut the country down tight, such long-range observation is more important than ever. Bromley told reporters that the AAAS had ordered up new images from Burma's major cities, Rangoon and Mandalay, over the past few days, as the military cracked down on protests and that they expect to analyze the new data soon. "We've been cut off from Burma, so we're trying to monitor the situation through the satellites," said Aung.
The question now is what effect these pictures will have. Aung and his fellow exiles hope that the satellite evidence will help persuade China and Russia to stop blocking United Nations Security Council action against the junta. It's a long shot, but with a military cordon drawing around Burma, every scrap of data will help.
Blog For Burma-Country profile-Burma-BBC News
Burma, also known as Myanmar, is ruled by a military junta which suppresses almost all dissent and wields absolute power in the face of international condemnation and sanctions.
The generals and the army stand accused of gross human rights abuses, including the forcible relocation of civilians and the widespread use of forced labour, which includes children.
OVERVIEW
OVERVIEW FACTS LEADERS MEDIA
A popular uprising was forcibly crushed in 1988 and mass demonstrations were not seen again until 2007, when a small string of protests about living standards gained momentum among a public normally too cowed to voice any dissent.
AT-A-GLANCE
Politics: Burma has been under military rule since 1962; the regime stifles almost all dissent
Economy: Burma is one of Asia's poorest countries; its economy is riddled with corruption
International: Burma is seen as a pariah state by the West, which maintains sanctions; China is its main ally
Prominent pro-democracy leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner, Aung San Suu Kyi, has had various restrictions placed on her activities since the late 1980s.
Her party, the National League for Democracy, won a landslide victory in 1990 in Burma's first multi-party elections for 30 years, but has never been allowed to govern.
Military-run enterprises control key industries, and corruption and severe mismanagement are the hallmarks of a black-market-riven economy.
The armed forces - and former rebels co-opted by the government - have been accused of large-scale trafficking in heroin, of which Burma is a major exporter.
The largest group is the Burman people, who are ethnically related to the Tibetans and the Chinese. Burman dominance over Karen, Shan, Rakhine, Mon, Chin, Kachin and other minorities has been the source of considerable ethnic tension and has fuelled intermittent separatist rebellions.
Military offensives against insurgents have uprooted many thousands of civilians.
A largely rural, densely forested country, Burma is the world's largest exporter of teak and a principal source of jade, pearls, rubies and sapphires. It is endowed with extremely fertile soil and has important offshore oil and gas deposits. However, its people remain very poor and are getting poorer.
The country is festooned with the symbols of Buddhism. Thousands of pagodas throng its ancient towns; these have been a focus for an increasingly important tourism industry.
But while tourism has been a magnet for foreign investment, its benefits have hardly touched the people.
FACTS
OVERVIEW FACTS LEADERS MEDIA
Official name: Union of Myanmar
Population: 50.7 million (UN, 2005)
Capital: Nay Pyi Taw
Largest city: Rangoon (Yangon)
Area: 676,552 sq km (261,218 sq miles)
Major languages: Burmese, indigenous ethnic languages
Major religions: Buddhism, Christianity, Islam
Life expectancy: 57 years (men), 63 years (women) (UN)
Monetary unit: 1 kyat = 100 pyas
Main exports: Teak, pulses and beans, prawns, fish, rice, opiates
GNI per capita: not available
Internet domain: .mm
International dialling code: +95
LEADERS
OVERVIEW FACTS LEADERS MEDIA
Head of state: Than Shwe, chairman of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)
Senior General Than Shwe is the country's top military leader and heads the SPDC, the body of 12 senior generals that runs the country and makes the key decisions.
He has steadfastly ruled out a transfer of power to Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD).
In 1993 he established the National Convention, a reconciliation process aimed at drawing up a new constitution. However, the general is said to be in no hurry to allow political change and talks have been boycotted by the NLD.
Born in 1933 near the town of Mandalay, Than Shwe joined the army at the age of 20. His career included a stint in the department of psychological warfare. He was decorated more than 16 times during his career as a soldier.
He is said to be introverted and superstitious, frequently seeking the advice of astrologers.
Reports in early 2007 said the 73-year-old had sought treatment in Singapore for an undisclosed medical condition.
Power struggles have plagued Burma's military leadership. Prime Minister Khin Nyunt was sacked and arrested in 2004. The former premier, who said he supported Aung San Suu Kyi's involvement in the National Convention, was seen as a moderate who was at odds with the junta's hardliners.
Vice-chairman of SPDC: Maung Aye
Prime minister: Soe Win
Defence minister: Than Shwe
Foreign minister: Nyan Win
Home affairs minister: Maung Oo
MEDIA
OVERVIEW FACTS LEADERS MEDIA
The state controls Burma's main broadcasters and publications. For the most part, the media are propaganda tools and tend not to report opposing views except to criticise them. Editors and reporters are answerable to the military authorities.
The English-language daily New Light of Myanmar does publish many heavily-edited foreign news reports from international agencies, but its domestic news content strictly adheres to and reinforces government policy.
All forms of domestic public media are officially-controlled or censored. This strict control, in turn, encourages self-censorship on the part of journalists.
The BBC, Voice of America, the US-backed Radio Free Asia and the Norway-based opposition station Democratic Voice of Burma target listeners in Burma.
Paris-based media watchdog Reporters Without Borders has placed Burma among the bottom 10 countries in its world press freedom ranking. It says the press is subject to "relentless advance censorship".
The press
Kyehmon - state-run daily
Myanmar Alin - organ of State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)
New Light of Myanmar - English-language organ of SPDC
Myanmar Times - state-run English-language weekly
Television
TV Myanmar - state-run, operated by Myanmar TV and Radio Department - broadcasts in Bamar, Arakanese (Rakhine), Shan, Karen, Kachin, Kayah, Chin, Mon and English
MRTV-3 - state-run international TV service
TV Myawady - army-run network
Radio
Radio Myanmar - state-run, operated by Myanmar TV and Radio Department
City FM - entertainment station operated by Yangon City Development Committee
Democratic Voice of Burma - opposition station based in Norway, broadcasts via shortwave
News agency/internet
Myanmar News Agency (MNA) - state-run
Mizzima News - run by Burmese exiles
The generals and the army stand accused of gross human rights abuses, including the forcible relocation of civilians and the widespread use of forced labour, which includes children.
OVERVIEW
OVERVIEW FACTS LEADERS MEDIA
A popular uprising was forcibly crushed in 1988 and mass demonstrations were not seen again until 2007, when a small string of protests about living standards gained momentum among a public normally too cowed to voice any dissent.
AT-A-GLANCE
Politics: Burma has been under military rule since 1962; the regime stifles almost all dissent
Economy: Burma is one of Asia's poorest countries; its economy is riddled with corruption
International: Burma is seen as a pariah state by the West, which maintains sanctions; China is its main ally
Prominent pro-democracy leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner, Aung San Suu Kyi, has had various restrictions placed on her activities since the late 1980s.
Her party, the National League for Democracy, won a landslide victory in 1990 in Burma's first multi-party elections for 30 years, but has never been allowed to govern.
Military-run enterprises control key industries, and corruption and severe mismanagement are the hallmarks of a black-market-riven economy.
The armed forces - and former rebels co-opted by the government - have been accused of large-scale trafficking in heroin, of which Burma is a major exporter.
The largest group is the Burman people, who are ethnically related to the Tibetans and the Chinese. Burman dominance over Karen, Shan, Rakhine, Mon, Chin, Kachin and other minorities has been the source of considerable ethnic tension and has fuelled intermittent separatist rebellions.
Military offensives against insurgents have uprooted many thousands of civilians.
A largely rural, densely forested country, Burma is the world's largest exporter of teak and a principal source of jade, pearls, rubies and sapphires. It is endowed with extremely fertile soil and has important offshore oil and gas deposits. However, its people remain very poor and are getting poorer.
The country is festooned with the symbols of Buddhism. Thousands of pagodas throng its ancient towns; these have been a focus for an increasingly important tourism industry.
But while tourism has been a magnet for foreign investment, its benefits have hardly touched the people.
FACTS
OVERVIEW FACTS LEADERS MEDIA
Official name: Union of Myanmar
Population: 50.7 million (UN, 2005)
Capital: Nay Pyi Taw
Largest city: Rangoon (Yangon)
Area: 676,552 sq km (261,218 sq miles)
Major languages: Burmese, indigenous ethnic languages
Major religions: Buddhism, Christianity, Islam
Life expectancy: 57 years (men), 63 years (women) (UN)
Monetary unit: 1 kyat = 100 pyas
Main exports: Teak, pulses and beans, prawns, fish, rice, opiates
GNI per capita: not available
Internet domain: .mm
International dialling code: +95
LEADERS
OVERVIEW FACTS LEADERS MEDIA
Head of state: Than Shwe, chairman of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)
Senior General Than Shwe is the country's top military leader and heads the SPDC, the body of 12 senior generals that runs the country and makes the key decisions.
He has steadfastly ruled out a transfer of power to Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD).
In 1993 he established the National Convention, a reconciliation process aimed at drawing up a new constitution. However, the general is said to be in no hurry to allow political change and talks have been boycotted by the NLD.
Born in 1933 near the town of Mandalay, Than Shwe joined the army at the age of 20. His career included a stint in the department of psychological warfare. He was decorated more than 16 times during his career as a soldier.
He is said to be introverted and superstitious, frequently seeking the advice of astrologers.
Reports in early 2007 said the 73-year-old had sought treatment in Singapore for an undisclosed medical condition.
Power struggles have plagued Burma's military leadership. Prime Minister Khin Nyunt was sacked and arrested in 2004. The former premier, who said he supported Aung San Suu Kyi's involvement in the National Convention, was seen as a moderate who was at odds with the junta's hardliners.
Vice-chairman of SPDC: Maung Aye
Prime minister: Soe Win
Defence minister: Than Shwe
Foreign minister: Nyan Win
Home affairs minister: Maung Oo
MEDIA
OVERVIEW FACTS LEADERS MEDIA
The state controls Burma's main broadcasters and publications. For the most part, the media are propaganda tools and tend not to report opposing views except to criticise them. Editors and reporters are answerable to the military authorities.
The English-language daily New Light of Myanmar does publish many heavily-edited foreign news reports from international agencies, but its domestic news content strictly adheres to and reinforces government policy.
All forms of domestic public media are officially-controlled or censored. This strict control, in turn, encourages self-censorship on the part of journalists.
The BBC, Voice of America, the US-backed Radio Free Asia and the Norway-based opposition station Democratic Voice of Burma target listeners in Burma.
Paris-based media watchdog Reporters Without Borders has placed Burma among the bottom 10 countries in its world press freedom ranking. It says the press is subject to "relentless advance censorship".
The press
Kyehmon - state-run daily
Myanmar Alin - organ of State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)
New Light of Myanmar - English-language organ of SPDC
Myanmar Times - state-run English-language weekly
Television
TV Myanmar - state-run, operated by Myanmar TV and Radio Department - broadcasts in Bamar, Arakanese (Rakhine), Shan, Karen, Kachin, Kayah, Chin, Mon and English
MRTV-3 - state-run international TV service
TV Myawady - army-run network
Radio
Radio Myanmar - state-run, operated by Myanmar TV and Radio Department
City FM - entertainment station operated by Yangon City Development Committee
Democratic Voice of Burma - opposition station based in Norway, broadcasts via shortwave
News agency/internet
Myanmar News Agency (MNA) - state-run
Mizzima News - run by Burmese exiles
Union of Burma -Free Burma
The Shwedagon Pagoda, Rangoon, Burma
PROFILE
OFFICIAL NAME: Union of Burma
Geography Area: 678,500 sq. km. (slightly smaller than Texas). Cities: Administrative capital--Nay Pyi Taw, near the township of Pyinmana (pop. 200,000); Other cities--Rangoon (pop. 5.5 million), Mandalay (pop. 1.2 million). Terrain: Central lowlands ringed by steep, rugged highlands. Climate: Tropical monsoon; cloudy, rainy, hot, humid summers (southwest monsoon, June to September); less cloudy, scant rainfall, mild temperatures, lower humidity during winter (December to April).
People Nationality: Noun and adjective--Burmese. Population: 54.3 million (UNESCAP 2004 estimate); no official census has been taken since 1983. Annual population growth rate (UNESCAP 2004 estimate): 2.0%. Ethnic groups: Burman 68%, Shan 9%, Karen 7%, Rakhine 4%, Chinese 3%, Mon 2%, Indian 2%, other 5%.Religions: Buddhist 89%, Christian 4% (Baptist 3%, Roman Catholic 1%), Muslim 4%, animist 1%, other 2%. Languages: Burmese, minority ethnic languages. Education: Literacy--adult, 89.9%; male, 93.9%; female, 86.4% (UNDP 2004 estimate). Health: Infant mortality rate--76 deaths/1,000 live births (UNDP 2004 estimate). Life expectancy--60.6 yrs.: male, 57.8 yrs.; female 63.5 (UNDP 2004 estimate). Government Type: Military junta. Constitution: January 3, 1974 (suspended since September 18, 1988, when the current junta took power). A national convention started on January 9, 1993 to draft a new constitution, but collapsed in 1996 without an agreement. The junta reconvened the convention in May 2004 without the participation of the National League for Democracy and other pro-democracy ethnic groups. It has convened intermittently since then, with the latest session running from October 10 to December 29, 2006. Branches: Executive--Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) Senior General Than Shwe is the head of state. Prime Minister Gen. Soe Win is the head of government. Legislative--The suspended constitution provides for a unicameral People's Assembly (Pyithu Hluttaw) with 485 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve 4-year terms. The last elections were in 1990, but the military prevented the Assembly from ever convening. Judicial--The legal system is based on a British-era system, but with the constitution suspended, the military regime now rules by decree and there is no guarantee of a fair public trial; the judiciary is not independent. Political parties: National League for Democracy (NLD) is the primary opposition party; National Unity Party (NUP) is the primary pro-regime party; the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) is a pro-regime socio-political organization; there are also many smaller ethnic parties. Administrative subdivisions: The country is divided into seven primarily Burman ethnic divisions (tain) of Ayeyarwady (Irrawaddy), Bago (Pegu), Magway, Mandalay, Yangon (Rangoon), Sagaing, and Tanintharyi (Tenassarim) and seven ethnic states (pyi nay): Chin State, Kachin State, Kayin (Karen) State, Kayah (Karenni) State, Mon State, Rakhine (Arakan) State, and Shan State. Suffrage: Universal suffrage at 18 years of age (but there have been no elections since 1990).
Economy GDP: $9.6 billion (estimate at March 2007 market rate). Annual growth rate: 2.9% (2006 estimate); the regime claimed the 2005-2006 rate was 13.2%. GDP per capita (2006 estimated): $174. Natural resources: natural gas, timber, tin, antimony, zinc, copper, tungsten, lead, coal, limestone, precious stones, hydropower, and some petroleum. Agriculture: Products--rice, pulses, beans, sesame, peanuts, sugarcane, hardwood, fish, and fish products.Industries: Types--agricultural processing, knit and woven apparel, wood and wood products, copper, tin, tungsten, iron, construction materials, pharmaceuticals, and fertilizer. Recorded trade: Exports (IMF 2006)--$3.6 billion. Types (2005-2006 official statistics)--natural gas 30.2%, teak and forest products 13/3%, beans and pulses 9.1%, garments 7.7%, and marine products 5.5%. Major markets (IMF 2005-2006)--Thailand 38%, India 14%, China 10%, Hong Kong 7%, Japan 4%. Imports (IMF 2006)--$2 billion. Types (2005-2006 official statistics)--machinery and transport equipment 15.5%, refined mineral oil 13.6%, base metals and manufactures 10.1%, fabrics 8.0%, and electrical machinery 5.6%. Major suppliers (IMF 2005-2006)--Singapore 28%, China 24%, Thailand 11%, Malaysia 7%.
PEOPLEA majority of Burma's people are ethnic Burmans. Shans, Karens, Rohingya, Arakanese, Kachins, Chins, Mons, and many other smaller indigenous ethnic groups form about 30% of the population. Indians and Chinese are the largest non-indigenous groups.
Although Burmese is the most widely spoken language (approx. 32 million speakers), other ethnic groups have retained their own identities and languages. Some of the most prominent are Shan; various Karen, Karenni and Chin languages; Arakanese; Jingpaw; Mon; Palaung; Parauk; Wa; and Yangbye. English is spoken in many areas frequented by tourists. The Indian and Chinese residents speak various languages and dialects of their homelands: Hindi, Urdu, Tamil, Bengali, Mandarin, Fujian, and Cantonese.
An estimated 89% of the population practices Buddhism. Other religions, Christian 4% (Baptist 3%, Roman Catholic 1%), Muslim 4%, and animist 1%, are less prevalent, although Christian and Muslim groups claim the regime significantly underestimates their number of adherents.
According to the UN Development Programme's 2006 Human Development Report, public health expenditure equaled only 0.3% of Burma's GDP. High infant mortality rates and short life expectancies further highlight poor health and living conditions. The HIV/AIDS epidemic poses a serious threat to the Burmese population, as do tuberculosis and malaria. In 2006, the UNDP's Human Development Index, which measures achievements in terms of life expectancy, educational attainment, and adjusted real income, ranked Burma 130 out of 177 countries.
There are numerous documented human rights violations, and internal displacement of ethnic minorities is prevalent. Over a million Burmese, many of them ethnic minorities, have fled for economic and political reasons to Bangladesh, India, China, Malaysia, and Thailand to seek work and asylum. More than 150,000 Burmese live in nine refugee camps in Thailand and roughly 30,000 live in two camps in Bangladesh. Roughly 30,000 Burmese (mostly Chin and Rohingya) have fled to Malaysia.
HISTORYBurma was unified by Burman dynasties three times during the past millennium. The first such unification came with the rise of the Bagan (Pagan) Dynasty in 1044 AD, which is considered the "Golden Age" in Burmese history. During this period, Theravada Buddhism first made its appearance in Burma, and the Bagan kings built a massive city with thousands of pagodas and monasteries along the Irrawaddy River. The Bagan Dynasty lasted until 1287 when Mongol invaders destroyed the city. Ethnic Shan rulers, who established a political center at Ava (near Mandalay), filled the ensuing political vacuum for a short time.
In the 15th century, the Taungoo Dynasty succeeded again in unifying under Burman rule a large, multi-ethnic kingdom. This dynasty, which lasted from 1486 until 1752, left little cultural legacy, but expanded the kingdom through conquest of the Shans. Internal power struggles, and the cost of protracted warfare, led to the eventual decline of the Taungoo Dynasty.
The final Burman royal dynasty, the Konbaung, was established in 1752 under the rule of King Alaungpaya. Like the Taungoo Kings, the Konbaung rulers focused on warfare and conquest. Wars were fought with the ethnic Mons and Arakanese, and with the Siamese. The Burmese sacked the Siamese capital of Ayuthaya in 1767. This period also saw four invasions by the Chinese and three devastating wars with the British.
The British began their conquest of Burma in 1824, expanding their holdings after each of the three wars. At the end of the third war in 1885, the British gained complete control of Burma, annexing it to India. Under British control, which lasted until 1948, Burma underwent enormous change. The British established strong administrative institutions and reorganized the economy from subsistence farming to a large-scale export economy. By 1939, Burma had become the world's leading exporter of rice.
Burmese nationalists, led by General Aung San and 29 other "Comrades," joined the Japanese forces in driving out the British at the outbreak of World War II. However, the Burmese Army switched sides in mid-1945 and aided U.S. and British forces in their drive to Rangoon. After the war, the Burmese, with General Aung San at the helm, demanded complete political and economic independence from Britain. The British Government acceded to these demands. A constitution was completed in 1947 and independence granted in January 1948. General Aung San was assassinated with most of his cabinet before the constitution went into effect.
During the constitutional period from 1948 to 1962, Burma suffered widespread conflict and internal struggle. Constitutional disputes and persistent division among political and ethnic groups contributed to the democratic government's weak hold on power. In 1958, Prime Minister U Nu invited the military to rule temporarily to restore political order. The military stepped down after 18 months; however, in 1962 General Ne Win led a military coup, abolishing the constitution and establishing a xenophobic military government with socialist economic policies. These policies had devastating effects on the country's economy and business climate.
In March 1988, student-led disturbances broke out in Rangoon in response to the worsening economic situation and evolved into a call for regime change. Despite repeated violent crackdowns by the military and police, the demonstrations increased in size as many in the general public joined the students. During mass demonstrations on August 8, 1988, military forces killed more than 1,000 demonstrators. At a rally following this massacre Aung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of General Aung San, made her first political speech and assumed the role of opposition leader.
In September 1988, the military deposed Ne Win's Burmese Socialist Program Party (BSPP), suspended the constitution, and established a new ruling junta called the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). In an effort to "restore order," the SLORC sent the army into the streets to suppress the ongoing public demonstrations. An estimated additional 3,000 were killed, and more than 10,000 students fled into the hills and border areas.
The SLORC ruled by martial law until national parliamentary elections were held in May 1990. The results were an overwhelming victory for Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party, which won 392 of the 485 seats, even though she was under house arrest. However, the SLORC refused to honor the results and call the Parliament into session, and instead imprisoned many political activists.
The ruling junta changed its name to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in 1997, but did not change its policy of autocratic control and repression of the democratic opposition. It continued to subject Aung San Suu Kyi to varying forms of detention and other restrictions on her movement, which it periodically lifted only to reinstate later. In 2000, the SPDC began talks with the political opposition led by Aung San Suu Kyi. These talks were followed by the release of political prisoners and some increase in political freedoms for the NLD. In May 2002, Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed to leave her home, and subsequently traveled widely throughout the country. On May 30, 2003, Aung San Suu Kyi and a convoy of her supporters were attacked by a group of government-affiliated thugs. Many members of the convoy were killed or injured, and others disappeared. Aung San Suu Kyi and other members of her party were detained, and the military government forcibly closed the offices of the NLD. Today, only the NLD headquarters in Rangoon is open, all the party's other offices remain closed, and Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD Vice Chairman U Tin Oo remain under house arrest.
In October 2004, hard-line members of the senior leadership consolidated their power by ousting Prime Minister Khin Nyunt and removing him and his allies from control of the government and military intelligence apparatus. In late November 2004, the junta announced it would release approximately 9,000 prisoners it claimed had been improperly jailed by Khin Nyunt's National Intelligence Bureau. Approximately 86 of those released had been imprisoned for their political beliefs. Those released since November 2004 include Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi, both key figures in the 1988 demonstrations. On July 6, 2005, authorities released 323 additional political prisoners and on January 3, 2007, the authorities released over 2,800 prisoners, of whom over 40 were political prisoners. Despite these releases, the regime's policy of imprisoning its critics has not changed. Over 1,100 political activists are held in prisons around the country.
The military regime has a contentious relationship with Burma's ethnic groups, many of which have fought for greater autonomy or secession for their regions since the country's independence. In 1948, only Rangoon itself was under the control of national government authorities. Subsequent military campaigns brought more and more of the nation under central government control. Since 1989, the regime has signed a series of cease-fire agreements with insurgent groups, leaving only a handful still in active opposition.
In November 2005, the ruling regime unexpectedly relocated the capital city from Rangoon to Nay Pyi Taw, further isolating the government from the public. Nay Pyi Taw is a sparsely populated district located approximately midway between Rangoon and Mandalay. Most government workers and ministries moved to Nay Pyi Taw over the following six months, but construction and development of the new administrative capital remains incomplete. Foreign diplomatic missions are still located in Rangoon.
GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS The Union of Burma (or Myanmar as it is called by the ruling junta) consists of 14 states and divisions. Administrative control is exercised from the central government through a system of subordinate executive bodies and regional military commanders.
Power is centered on the ruling junta--the State Peace and Development Council, or SPDC--which maintains strict authoritarian rule over the people of Burma. The Prime Minister is appointed directly by the SPDC. Control is maintained through intimidation, the strict censuring of information, repression of individual rights, and suppression of ethnic minority groups.
The SPDC continues its harsh rule and systematic human rights abuses today, and insists that any future political transition be negotiated on its terms. It proclaimed a seven-step roadmap to democracy beginning with a National Convention process, purportedly to develop a new constitution and pave the way for national elections. However the regime restricts public input and debate and handpicks the delegates, effectively excluding pro-democracy supporters.
Although the SPDC changed the name of the country to "Myanmar," the democratically elected but never convened Parliament of 1990 does not recognize the name change, and the democratic opposition continues to use the name "Burma." Due to consistent support for the democratically elected leaders, the U.S. Government likewise uses "Burma."
Principal Government Officials Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council--Senior General Than Shwe Prime Minister--Gen. Soe Win Minister of Foreign Affairs--U Nyan Win Chargé d' Affaires, Burmese Embassy in the United States--U Myint LwinAmbassador to the United Nations--U Kyaw Tint Swe
Burma maintains an embassy to the United States at 2300 S Street NW, Washington, DC 20008, tel.: (202) 332-3344; fax: (202) 332-4351.
ECONOMY Burma is a resource-rich country with a strong agricultural base. It also has vast timber, natural gas, and fishery reserves and is a leading source of gems and jade. Tourist potential remains undeveloped because of weak infrastructure and Burma's international image, which has been damaged by the junta's human rights abuses and oppression of the democratic opposition. Due to Burma's poor human rights record, the U.S. has imposed a range of trade sanctions, including bans on the importation of Burmese products into the U.S. and the export of financial services from the U.S. to Burma passed in 2003.
The regime's mismanagement of the economy has created a downward economic spiral. The state remains heavily involved in most parts of the economy, infrastructure has deteriorated, and no rule of law exists. The majority of Burmese citizens subsist on an average annual income of less than $200 per capita. Inflation, caused primarily by public sector deficit spending and the eroding value of the local currency (the kyat), have reduced living standards. The Asian Development Bank estimated in December 2006 that inflation in Burma could reach 30% in 2006-2007, in contrast with official estimates of 10%.
The military's commercial arms play a major role in the economy. The limited moves to a market economy have been accompanied by a significant rise in crony capitalism. A handful of companies loyal to the regime has benefited from policies that promote monopoly and privilege. State-controlled activity predominates in energy, heavy industry, and the rice trade. Agriculture, light industry, trade, and transport dominate the private sector.
Burma remains a primarily agricultural economy with 50% of GDP derived from agriculture, livestock and fisheries, and forestry. Manufacturing/industry constitutes only 15% of recorded economic activity, and state industries continue to play a large role in that sector. Trade and services constitute only 35% of GDP.
Foreign investment has declined precipitously since 1999 due to the increasingly unfriendly business environment and political pressure from Western consumers and shareholders. The government conserves foreign exchange by limiting imports and promoting exports. Published estimates of Burma's foreign trade (particularly on the import side) are greatly understated because of the large volume of off-book, black-market, illicit, and unrecorded border trade.
In the near term, growth will continue to be constrained by government mismanagement and minimal investment. A number of other countries, including member states of the European Union, Canada, and Australia have joined the United States in applying some form of sanctions against the regime.
Government economic statistics are unavailable and unreliable. According to official figures, GDP growth has been over 10% annually since FY 1999-2000. However, the rate is likely much smaller. Burma's limited economic growth results largely from its natural gas exports, which account for over half of Burma's export receipts and foreign direct investment. Natural gas exports will increase significantly once production begins from the offshore Shwe and Shwephyu Fields, estimated to hold 5.7-10 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. In 2005-2006, the oil and gas sector accounted for $69 million in foreign direct investment. Corporations based in China, India, South Korea, Thailand, and Malaysia have interests in the exploration and development of several offshore blocks.
Burma remains the world's second-largest producer of illicit opium--although it amounts to only 11% of the world's total. Annual production of opium is now estimated to be less than 20% of mid-1990 peak levels. Burma is also a primary source of amphetamine-type stimulants in Asia. Although the Burmese Government has expanded its counternarcotics measures in recent years, production and trafficking of narcotics and failure to adequately prosecute those involved remains a major problem in Burma.
FOREIGN RELATIONSDuring the Cold War, Burmese foreign policy was based on principles of neutrality, often tending toward xenophobia. Since 1988, however, Burma has expanded its regional ties. It now is a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), and several other regional organizations and initiatives. Burma's lack of progress on human rights and democracy has frayed some ties, and in July 2005, Burma passed up its scheduled 2006 ASEAN chairmanship.
Although Burmese-Thai relations are generally cooperative, they have been tainted by a long history of border conflicts and sporadic hostilities over narcotics trafficking and insurgents operating along the Burmese-Thai border. Nonetheless, official and unofficial economic ties remain strong. In addition to the sizeable population of Burmese refugees it hosts, the Thai Government issues temporary work permits to another one million Burmese who live outside the refugee camps in Thailand. Despite their often-contentious history, Burma and China have grown much closer in recent years. China quickly is becoming Burma's most important partner, offering debt relief, economic development grants, and soft loans used for the construction of infrastructure and light industry. China also is purportedly Burma's major supplier of arms and munitions. Burma's commercial and military ties with India are also growing steadily as well.
The UN has made several efforts to address international concerns over human rights in Burma. The UN Secretary General's Special Envoy to Burma, Tan Sri Razali Ismail, resigned his position in December 2005 due to the regime's lack of cooperation. UN Commission on Human Rights Special Rapporteur Paulo Sergio Pinheiro has not been allowed to visit the country since 2003. Former UN Undersecretary General for Political Affairs Ibrahim Gambari visited Burma in May and November 2006 and after his trips briefed the UN Security Council on the situation in Burma. Burma was placed on the UN Security Council agenda in September 2006. In January 2007, the United States and the U.K. sponsored a UN Security Council resolution calling on Burma to cooperate with the UN Secretary General's good offices mission, open dialogue with the political opposition, stop its military offensive in Karen State, and to allow humanitarian organizations greater access to needy populations. The resolution received nine votes in favor, three abstentions, and three "no" votes, including from Russia and China. The Russian and Chinese vetoes blocked the resolution.
Burma is involved in the Asian Development Bank's (ADB) Program of Economic Cooperation in the Greater Mekong Sub-region. As such, it participates in regional meetings and workshops supported by the ADB. Burma joined ASEAN in 1997, and has participated in that regional forum, even hosting a number of seminars, conferences, and ministerial meetings. As one of ASEAN's least developed members, Burma also has an extra five years (until 2008) to comply with most of ASEAN Free Trade Agreement's liberalization requirements. Burma also is a member of the World Trade Organization.
Most Western foreign aid diminished in the wake of the regime's suppression of the democracy movement in 1988. The UN Development Programme's 2006 Human Development Report indicates that official development assistance totaled $121.1 million in 2004, roughly $2 per capita (compared with $47 per person in Laos and $35 per person in Cambodia). Burma receives grants of technical assistance (mostly from Asia), limited humanitarian aid and debt relief from Japan and China, and concessional loans from China and India.
Burma became a member of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank in 1952, the International Financial Corporation (IFC) in 1956, the International Development Association (IDA) in 1962, and the ADB in 1973. Since July 1987, the World Bank has not made any loans to Burma. Since 1998 Burma has been in non-accrual status with the Bank. The IMF performs its mandated annual Article IV consultations, but there are no IMF assistance programs. The ADB has not extended loans to Burma since 1986. Bilateral technical assistance ended in 1988. Burma has not serviced its ADB loans since January 1998. Burma's total foreign debt now stands at over $7 billion.
U.S.-BURMESE RELATIONSThe political relationship between the United States and Burma worsened after the 1988 military coup and violent suppression of pro-democracy demonstrations, and remains strained today.
The United States has imposed broad sanctions against Burma under several different legislative and policy vehicles. The Burma Freedom and Democracy Act (BFDA), passed by Congress and signed by the President in 2003, includes a ban on all imports from Burma, a ban on the export of financial services to Burma, a freeze on the assets of certain Burmese financial institutions, and extended visa restrictions on Burmese officials. Congress has renewed the BFDA annually, most recently in July 2006.
In addition, since May 1997, the U.S. Government has prohibited new investment by U.S. persons or entities. A number of U.S. companies exited the Burma market even prior to the imposition of sanctions due to a worsening business climate and mounting criticism from human rights groups, consumers, and shareholders. The United States has also imposed countermeasures on Burma due to its inadequate measures to eliminate money laundering.
Due to its particularly severe violations of religious freedom, the United States has designated Burma a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) under the International Religious Freedom Act. Burma is also designated a Tier 3 Country in the Trafficking in Persons Report for its use of forced labor, and is subject to additional sanctions as a result.
The United States downgraded its level of representation in Burma from Ambassador to Chargé d'Affaires after the government's crackdown on the democratic opposition in 1988 and its failure to honor the results of the 1990 parliamentary election.
Principal U.S. Embassy Officials Chargé d'Affaires--Shari VillarosaDeputy Chief of Mission--Karl Stoltz Political/Economic Affairs Officer--Leslie Hayden Public Affairs Officer--Todd Pierce Consul--Lee McManisManagement Officer--Robert Bare
The U.S. Embassy in Burma is located at 581 Merchant Street, Rangoon (GPO 521) mailing address: Box B, APO AP 96546, tel: [95] (1) 379880; fax: [95] (1) 256018.
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For the latest security information, Americans living and traveling abroad should regularly monitor the Department's Bureau of Consular Affairs Internet web site at http://www.travel.state.gov/, where the current Worldwide Caution, Public Announcements, and Travel Warnings can be found. Consular Affairs Publications, which contain information on obtaining passports and planning a safe trip abroad, are also available at http://www.travel.state.gov/. For additional information on international travel, see http://www.usa.gov/Citizen/Topics/Travel/International.shtml.
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PROFILE
OFFICIAL NAME: Union of Burma
Geography Area: 678,500 sq. km. (slightly smaller than Texas). Cities: Administrative capital--Nay Pyi Taw, near the township of Pyinmana (pop. 200,000); Other cities--Rangoon (pop. 5.5 million), Mandalay (pop. 1.2 million). Terrain: Central lowlands ringed by steep, rugged highlands. Climate: Tropical monsoon; cloudy, rainy, hot, humid summers (southwest monsoon, June to September); less cloudy, scant rainfall, mild temperatures, lower humidity during winter (December to April).
People Nationality: Noun and adjective--Burmese. Population: 54.3 million (UNESCAP 2004 estimate); no official census has been taken since 1983. Annual population growth rate (UNESCAP 2004 estimate): 2.0%. Ethnic groups: Burman 68%, Shan 9%, Karen 7%, Rakhine 4%, Chinese 3%, Mon 2%, Indian 2%, other 5%.Religions: Buddhist 89%, Christian 4% (Baptist 3%, Roman Catholic 1%), Muslim 4%, animist 1%, other 2%. Languages: Burmese, minority ethnic languages. Education: Literacy--adult, 89.9%; male, 93.9%; female, 86.4% (UNDP 2004 estimate). Health: Infant mortality rate--76 deaths/1,000 live births (UNDP 2004 estimate). Life expectancy--60.6 yrs.: male, 57.8 yrs.; female 63.5 (UNDP 2004 estimate). Government Type: Military junta. Constitution: January 3, 1974 (suspended since September 18, 1988, when the current junta took power). A national convention started on January 9, 1993 to draft a new constitution, but collapsed in 1996 without an agreement. The junta reconvened the convention in May 2004 without the participation of the National League for Democracy and other pro-democracy ethnic groups. It has convened intermittently since then, with the latest session running from October 10 to December 29, 2006. Branches: Executive--Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) Senior General Than Shwe is the head of state. Prime Minister Gen. Soe Win is the head of government. Legislative--The suspended constitution provides for a unicameral People's Assembly (Pyithu Hluttaw) with 485 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve 4-year terms. The last elections were in 1990, but the military prevented the Assembly from ever convening. Judicial--The legal system is based on a British-era system, but with the constitution suspended, the military regime now rules by decree and there is no guarantee of a fair public trial; the judiciary is not independent. Political parties: National League for Democracy (NLD) is the primary opposition party; National Unity Party (NUP) is the primary pro-regime party; the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) is a pro-regime socio-political organization; there are also many smaller ethnic parties. Administrative subdivisions: The country is divided into seven primarily Burman ethnic divisions (tain) of Ayeyarwady (Irrawaddy), Bago (Pegu), Magway, Mandalay, Yangon (Rangoon), Sagaing, and Tanintharyi (Tenassarim) and seven ethnic states (pyi nay): Chin State, Kachin State, Kayin (Karen) State, Kayah (Karenni) State, Mon State, Rakhine (Arakan) State, and Shan State. Suffrage: Universal suffrage at 18 years of age (but there have been no elections since 1990).
Economy GDP: $9.6 billion (estimate at March 2007 market rate). Annual growth rate: 2.9% (2006 estimate); the regime claimed the 2005-2006 rate was 13.2%. GDP per capita (2006 estimated): $174. Natural resources: natural gas, timber, tin, antimony, zinc, copper, tungsten, lead, coal, limestone, precious stones, hydropower, and some petroleum. Agriculture: Products--rice, pulses, beans, sesame, peanuts, sugarcane, hardwood, fish, and fish products.Industries: Types--agricultural processing, knit and woven apparel, wood and wood products, copper, tin, tungsten, iron, construction materials, pharmaceuticals, and fertilizer. Recorded trade: Exports (IMF 2006)--$3.6 billion. Types (2005-2006 official statistics)--natural gas 30.2%, teak and forest products 13/3%, beans and pulses 9.1%, garments 7.7%, and marine products 5.5%. Major markets (IMF 2005-2006)--Thailand 38%, India 14%, China 10%, Hong Kong 7%, Japan 4%. Imports (IMF 2006)--$2 billion. Types (2005-2006 official statistics)--machinery and transport equipment 15.5%, refined mineral oil 13.6%, base metals and manufactures 10.1%, fabrics 8.0%, and electrical machinery 5.6%. Major suppliers (IMF 2005-2006)--Singapore 28%, China 24%, Thailand 11%, Malaysia 7%.
PEOPLEA majority of Burma's people are ethnic Burmans. Shans, Karens, Rohingya, Arakanese, Kachins, Chins, Mons, and many other smaller indigenous ethnic groups form about 30% of the population. Indians and Chinese are the largest non-indigenous groups.
Although Burmese is the most widely spoken language (approx. 32 million speakers), other ethnic groups have retained their own identities and languages. Some of the most prominent are Shan; various Karen, Karenni and Chin languages; Arakanese; Jingpaw; Mon; Palaung; Parauk; Wa; and Yangbye. English is spoken in many areas frequented by tourists. The Indian and Chinese residents speak various languages and dialects of their homelands: Hindi, Urdu, Tamil, Bengali, Mandarin, Fujian, and Cantonese.
An estimated 89% of the population practices Buddhism. Other religions, Christian 4% (Baptist 3%, Roman Catholic 1%), Muslim 4%, and animist 1%, are less prevalent, although Christian and Muslim groups claim the regime significantly underestimates their number of adherents.
According to the UN Development Programme's 2006 Human Development Report, public health expenditure equaled only 0.3% of Burma's GDP. High infant mortality rates and short life expectancies further highlight poor health and living conditions. The HIV/AIDS epidemic poses a serious threat to the Burmese population, as do tuberculosis and malaria. In 2006, the UNDP's Human Development Index, which measures achievements in terms of life expectancy, educational attainment, and adjusted real income, ranked Burma 130 out of 177 countries.
There are numerous documented human rights violations, and internal displacement of ethnic minorities is prevalent. Over a million Burmese, many of them ethnic minorities, have fled for economic and political reasons to Bangladesh, India, China, Malaysia, and Thailand to seek work and asylum. More than 150,000 Burmese live in nine refugee camps in Thailand and roughly 30,000 live in two camps in Bangladesh. Roughly 30,000 Burmese (mostly Chin and Rohingya) have fled to Malaysia.
HISTORYBurma was unified by Burman dynasties three times during the past millennium. The first such unification came with the rise of the Bagan (Pagan) Dynasty in 1044 AD, which is considered the "Golden Age" in Burmese history. During this period, Theravada Buddhism first made its appearance in Burma, and the Bagan kings built a massive city with thousands of pagodas and monasteries along the Irrawaddy River. The Bagan Dynasty lasted until 1287 when Mongol invaders destroyed the city. Ethnic Shan rulers, who established a political center at Ava (near Mandalay), filled the ensuing political vacuum for a short time.
In the 15th century, the Taungoo Dynasty succeeded again in unifying under Burman rule a large, multi-ethnic kingdom. This dynasty, which lasted from 1486 until 1752, left little cultural legacy, but expanded the kingdom through conquest of the Shans. Internal power struggles, and the cost of protracted warfare, led to the eventual decline of the Taungoo Dynasty.
The final Burman royal dynasty, the Konbaung, was established in 1752 under the rule of King Alaungpaya. Like the Taungoo Kings, the Konbaung rulers focused on warfare and conquest. Wars were fought with the ethnic Mons and Arakanese, and with the Siamese. The Burmese sacked the Siamese capital of Ayuthaya in 1767. This period also saw four invasions by the Chinese and three devastating wars with the British.
The British began their conquest of Burma in 1824, expanding their holdings after each of the three wars. At the end of the third war in 1885, the British gained complete control of Burma, annexing it to India. Under British control, which lasted until 1948, Burma underwent enormous change. The British established strong administrative institutions and reorganized the economy from subsistence farming to a large-scale export economy. By 1939, Burma had become the world's leading exporter of rice.
Burmese nationalists, led by General Aung San and 29 other "Comrades," joined the Japanese forces in driving out the British at the outbreak of World War II. However, the Burmese Army switched sides in mid-1945 and aided U.S. and British forces in their drive to Rangoon. After the war, the Burmese, with General Aung San at the helm, demanded complete political and economic independence from Britain. The British Government acceded to these demands. A constitution was completed in 1947 and independence granted in January 1948. General Aung San was assassinated with most of his cabinet before the constitution went into effect.
During the constitutional period from 1948 to 1962, Burma suffered widespread conflict and internal struggle. Constitutional disputes and persistent division among political and ethnic groups contributed to the democratic government's weak hold on power. In 1958, Prime Minister U Nu invited the military to rule temporarily to restore political order. The military stepped down after 18 months; however, in 1962 General Ne Win led a military coup, abolishing the constitution and establishing a xenophobic military government with socialist economic policies. These policies had devastating effects on the country's economy and business climate.
In March 1988, student-led disturbances broke out in Rangoon in response to the worsening economic situation and evolved into a call for regime change. Despite repeated violent crackdowns by the military and police, the demonstrations increased in size as many in the general public joined the students. During mass demonstrations on August 8, 1988, military forces killed more than 1,000 demonstrators. At a rally following this massacre Aung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of General Aung San, made her first political speech and assumed the role of opposition leader.
In September 1988, the military deposed Ne Win's Burmese Socialist Program Party (BSPP), suspended the constitution, and established a new ruling junta called the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). In an effort to "restore order," the SLORC sent the army into the streets to suppress the ongoing public demonstrations. An estimated additional 3,000 were killed, and more than 10,000 students fled into the hills and border areas.
The SLORC ruled by martial law until national parliamentary elections were held in May 1990. The results were an overwhelming victory for Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party, which won 392 of the 485 seats, even though she was under house arrest. However, the SLORC refused to honor the results and call the Parliament into session, and instead imprisoned many political activists.
The ruling junta changed its name to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in 1997, but did not change its policy of autocratic control and repression of the democratic opposition. It continued to subject Aung San Suu Kyi to varying forms of detention and other restrictions on her movement, which it periodically lifted only to reinstate later. In 2000, the SPDC began talks with the political opposition led by Aung San Suu Kyi. These talks were followed by the release of political prisoners and some increase in political freedoms for the NLD. In May 2002, Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed to leave her home, and subsequently traveled widely throughout the country. On May 30, 2003, Aung San Suu Kyi and a convoy of her supporters were attacked by a group of government-affiliated thugs. Many members of the convoy were killed or injured, and others disappeared. Aung San Suu Kyi and other members of her party were detained, and the military government forcibly closed the offices of the NLD. Today, only the NLD headquarters in Rangoon is open, all the party's other offices remain closed, and Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD Vice Chairman U Tin Oo remain under house arrest.
In October 2004, hard-line members of the senior leadership consolidated their power by ousting Prime Minister Khin Nyunt and removing him and his allies from control of the government and military intelligence apparatus. In late November 2004, the junta announced it would release approximately 9,000 prisoners it claimed had been improperly jailed by Khin Nyunt's National Intelligence Bureau. Approximately 86 of those released had been imprisoned for their political beliefs. Those released since November 2004 include Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi, both key figures in the 1988 demonstrations. On July 6, 2005, authorities released 323 additional political prisoners and on January 3, 2007, the authorities released over 2,800 prisoners, of whom over 40 were political prisoners. Despite these releases, the regime's policy of imprisoning its critics has not changed. Over 1,100 political activists are held in prisons around the country.
The military regime has a contentious relationship with Burma's ethnic groups, many of which have fought for greater autonomy or secession for their regions since the country's independence. In 1948, only Rangoon itself was under the control of national government authorities. Subsequent military campaigns brought more and more of the nation under central government control. Since 1989, the regime has signed a series of cease-fire agreements with insurgent groups, leaving only a handful still in active opposition.
In November 2005, the ruling regime unexpectedly relocated the capital city from Rangoon to Nay Pyi Taw, further isolating the government from the public. Nay Pyi Taw is a sparsely populated district located approximately midway between Rangoon and Mandalay. Most government workers and ministries moved to Nay Pyi Taw over the following six months, but construction and development of the new administrative capital remains incomplete. Foreign diplomatic missions are still located in Rangoon.
GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS The Union of Burma (or Myanmar as it is called by the ruling junta) consists of 14 states and divisions. Administrative control is exercised from the central government through a system of subordinate executive bodies and regional military commanders.
Power is centered on the ruling junta--the State Peace and Development Council, or SPDC--which maintains strict authoritarian rule over the people of Burma. The Prime Minister is appointed directly by the SPDC. Control is maintained through intimidation, the strict censuring of information, repression of individual rights, and suppression of ethnic minority groups.
The SPDC continues its harsh rule and systematic human rights abuses today, and insists that any future political transition be negotiated on its terms. It proclaimed a seven-step roadmap to democracy beginning with a National Convention process, purportedly to develop a new constitution and pave the way for national elections. However the regime restricts public input and debate and handpicks the delegates, effectively excluding pro-democracy supporters.
Although the SPDC changed the name of the country to "Myanmar," the democratically elected but never convened Parliament of 1990 does not recognize the name change, and the democratic opposition continues to use the name "Burma." Due to consistent support for the democratically elected leaders, the U.S. Government likewise uses "Burma."
Principal Government Officials Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council--Senior General Than Shwe Prime Minister--Gen. Soe Win Minister of Foreign Affairs--U Nyan Win Chargé d' Affaires, Burmese Embassy in the United States--U Myint LwinAmbassador to the United Nations--U Kyaw Tint Swe
Burma maintains an embassy to the United States at 2300 S Street NW, Washington, DC 20008, tel.: (202) 332-3344; fax: (202) 332-4351.
ECONOMY Burma is a resource-rich country with a strong agricultural base. It also has vast timber, natural gas, and fishery reserves and is a leading source of gems and jade. Tourist potential remains undeveloped because of weak infrastructure and Burma's international image, which has been damaged by the junta's human rights abuses and oppression of the democratic opposition. Due to Burma's poor human rights record, the U.S. has imposed a range of trade sanctions, including bans on the importation of Burmese products into the U.S. and the export of financial services from the U.S. to Burma passed in 2003.
The regime's mismanagement of the economy has created a downward economic spiral. The state remains heavily involved in most parts of the economy, infrastructure has deteriorated, and no rule of law exists. The majority of Burmese citizens subsist on an average annual income of less than $200 per capita. Inflation, caused primarily by public sector deficit spending and the eroding value of the local currency (the kyat), have reduced living standards. The Asian Development Bank estimated in December 2006 that inflation in Burma could reach 30% in 2006-2007, in contrast with official estimates of 10%.
The military's commercial arms play a major role in the economy. The limited moves to a market economy have been accompanied by a significant rise in crony capitalism. A handful of companies loyal to the regime has benefited from policies that promote monopoly and privilege. State-controlled activity predominates in energy, heavy industry, and the rice trade. Agriculture, light industry, trade, and transport dominate the private sector.
Burma remains a primarily agricultural economy with 50% of GDP derived from agriculture, livestock and fisheries, and forestry. Manufacturing/industry constitutes only 15% of recorded economic activity, and state industries continue to play a large role in that sector. Trade and services constitute only 35% of GDP.
Foreign investment has declined precipitously since 1999 due to the increasingly unfriendly business environment and political pressure from Western consumers and shareholders. The government conserves foreign exchange by limiting imports and promoting exports. Published estimates of Burma's foreign trade (particularly on the import side) are greatly understated because of the large volume of off-book, black-market, illicit, and unrecorded border trade.
In the near term, growth will continue to be constrained by government mismanagement and minimal investment. A number of other countries, including member states of the European Union, Canada, and Australia have joined the United States in applying some form of sanctions against the regime.
Government economic statistics are unavailable and unreliable. According to official figures, GDP growth has been over 10% annually since FY 1999-2000. However, the rate is likely much smaller. Burma's limited economic growth results largely from its natural gas exports, which account for over half of Burma's export receipts and foreign direct investment. Natural gas exports will increase significantly once production begins from the offshore Shwe and Shwephyu Fields, estimated to hold 5.7-10 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. In 2005-2006, the oil and gas sector accounted for $69 million in foreign direct investment. Corporations based in China, India, South Korea, Thailand, and Malaysia have interests in the exploration and development of several offshore blocks.
Burma remains the world's second-largest producer of illicit opium--although it amounts to only 11% of the world's total. Annual production of opium is now estimated to be less than 20% of mid-1990 peak levels. Burma is also a primary source of amphetamine-type stimulants in Asia. Although the Burmese Government has expanded its counternarcotics measures in recent years, production and trafficking of narcotics and failure to adequately prosecute those involved remains a major problem in Burma.
FOREIGN RELATIONSDuring the Cold War, Burmese foreign policy was based on principles of neutrality, often tending toward xenophobia. Since 1988, however, Burma has expanded its regional ties. It now is a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), and several other regional organizations and initiatives. Burma's lack of progress on human rights and democracy has frayed some ties, and in July 2005, Burma passed up its scheduled 2006 ASEAN chairmanship.
Although Burmese-Thai relations are generally cooperative, they have been tainted by a long history of border conflicts and sporadic hostilities over narcotics trafficking and insurgents operating along the Burmese-Thai border. Nonetheless, official and unofficial economic ties remain strong. In addition to the sizeable population of Burmese refugees it hosts, the Thai Government issues temporary work permits to another one million Burmese who live outside the refugee camps in Thailand. Despite their often-contentious history, Burma and China have grown much closer in recent years. China quickly is becoming Burma's most important partner, offering debt relief, economic development grants, and soft loans used for the construction of infrastructure and light industry. China also is purportedly Burma's major supplier of arms and munitions. Burma's commercial and military ties with India are also growing steadily as well.
The UN has made several efforts to address international concerns over human rights in Burma. The UN Secretary General's Special Envoy to Burma, Tan Sri Razali Ismail, resigned his position in December 2005 due to the regime's lack of cooperation. UN Commission on Human Rights Special Rapporteur Paulo Sergio Pinheiro has not been allowed to visit the country since 2003. Former UN Undersecretary General for Political Affairs Ibrahim Gambari visited Burma in May and November 2006 and after his trips briefed the UN Security Council on the situation in Burma. Burma was placed on the UN Security Council agenda in September 2006. In January 2007, the United States and the U.K. sponsored a UN Security Council resolution calling on Burma to cooperate with the UN Secretary General's good offices mission, open dialogue with the political opposition, stop its military offensive in Karen State, and to allow humanitarian organizations greater access to needy populations. The resolution received nine votes in favor, three abstentions, and three "no" votes, including from Russia and China. The Russian and Chinese vetoes blocked the resolution.
Burma is involved in the Asian Development Bank's (ADB) Program of Economic Cooperation in the Greater Mekong Sub-region. As such, it participates in regional meetings and workshops supported by the ADB. Burma joined ASEAN in 1997, and has participated in that regional forum, even hosting a number of seminars, conferences, and ministerial meetings. As one of ASEAN's least developed members, Burma also has an extra five years (until 2008) to comply with most of ASEAN Free Trade Agreement's liberalization requirements. Burma also is a member of the World Trade Organization.
Most Western foreign aid diminished in the wake of the regime's suppression of the democracy movement in 1988. The UN Development Programme's 2006 Human Development Report indicates that official development assistance totaled $121.1 million in 2004, roughly $2 per capita (compared with $47 per person in Laos and $35 per person in Cambodia). Burma receives grants of technical assistance (mostly from Asia), limited humanitarian aid and debt relief from Japan and China, and concessional loans from China and India.
Burma became a member of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank in 1952, the International Financial Corporation (IFC) in 1956, the International Development Association (IDA) in 1962, and the ADB in 1973. Since July 1987, the World Bank has not made any loans to Burma. Since 1998 Burma has been in non-accrual status with the Bank. The IMF performs its mandated annual Article IV consultations, but there are no IMF assistance programs. The ADB has not extended loans to Burma since 1986. Bilateral technical assistance ended in 1988. Burma has not serviced its ADB loans since January 1998. Burma's total foreign debt now stands at over $7 billion.
U.S.-BURMESE RELATIONSThe political relationship between the United States and Burma worsened after the 1988 military coup and violent suppression of pro-democracy demonstrations, and remains strained today.
The United States has imposed broad sanctions against Burma under several different legislative and policy vehicles. The Burma Freedom and Democracy Act (BFDA), passed by Congress and signed by the President in 2003, includes a ban on all imports from Burma, a ban on the export of financial services to Burma, a freeze on the assets of certain Burmese financial institutions, and extended visa restrictions on Burmese officials. Congress has renewed the BFDA annually, most recently in July 2006.
In addition, since May 1997, the U.S. Government has prohibited new investment by U.S. persons or entities. A number of U.S. companies exited the Burma market even prior to the imposition of sanctions due to a worsening business climate and mounting criticism from human rights groups, consumers, and shareholders. The United States has also imposed countermeasures on Burma due to its inadequate measures to eliminate money laundering.
Due to its particularly severe violations of religious freedom, the United States has designated Burma a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) under the International Religious Freedom Act. Burma is also designated a Tier 3 Country in the Trafficking in Persons Report for its use of forced labor, and is subject to additional sanctions as a result.
The United States downgraded its level of representation in Burma from Ambassador to Chargé d'Affaires after the government's crackdown on the democratic opposition in 1988 and its failure to honor the results of the 1990 parliamentary election.
Principal U.S. Embassy Officials Chargé d'Affaires--Shari VillarosaDeputy Chief of Mission--Karl Stoltz Political/Economic Affairs Officer--Leslie Hayden Public Affairs Officer--Todd Pierce Consul--Lee McManisManagement Officer--Robert Bare
The U.S. Embassy in Burma is located at 581 Merchant Street, Rangoon (GPO 521) mailing address: Box B, APO AP 96546, tel: [95] (1) 379880; fax: [95] (1) 256018.
TRAVEL AND BUSINESS INFORMATIONThe U.S. Department of State's Consular Information Program advises Americans traveling and residing abroad through Consular Information Sheets, Public Announcements, and Travel Warnings. Consular Information Sheets exist for all countries and include information on entry and exit requirements, currency regulations, health conditions, safety and security, crime, political disturbances, and the addresses of the U.S. embassies and consulates abroad. Public Announcements are issued to disseminate information quickly about terrorist threats and other relatively short-term conditions overseas that pose significant risks to the security of American travelers. Travel Warnings are issued when the State Department recommends that Americans avoid travel to a certain country because the situation is dangerous or unstable.
For the latest security information, Americans living and traveling abroad should regularly monitor the Department's Bureau of Consular Affairs Internet web site at http://www.travel.state.gov/, where the current Worldwide Caution, Public Announcements, and Travel Warnings can be found. Consular Affairs Publications, which contain information on obtaining passports and planning a safe trip abroad, are also available at http://www.travel.state.gov/. For additional information on international travel, see http://www.usa.gov/Citizen/Topics/Travel/International.shtml.
The Department of State encourages all U.S citizens traveling or residing abroad to register via the State Department's travel registration website or at the nearest U.S. embassy or consulate abroad. Registration will make your presence and whereabouts known in case it is necessary to contact you in an emergency and will enable you to receive up-to-date information on security conditions.
Emergency information concerning Americans traveling abroad may be obtained by calling 1-888-407-4747 toll free in the U.S. and Canada or the regular toll line 1-202-501-4444 for callers outside the U.S. and Canada.
The National Passport Information Center (NPIC) is the U.S. Department of State's single, centralized public contact center for U.S. passport information. Telephone: 1-877-4USA-PPT (1-877-487-2778). Customer service representatives and operators for TDD/TTY are available Monday-Friday, 7:00 a.m. to 12:00 midnight, Eastern Time, excluding federal holidays.
Travelers can check the latest health information with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta, Georgia. A hotline at 877-FYI-TRIP (877-394-8747) and a web site at http://www.cdc.gov/travel/index.htm give the most recent health advisories, immunization recommendations or requirements, and advice on food and drinking water safety for regions and countries. A booklet entitled "Health Information for International Travel" (HHS publication number CDC-95-8280) is available from the U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402, tel. (202) 512-1800.
Further Electronic InformationDepartment of State Web Site. Available on the Internet at http://www.state.gov/, the Department of State web site provides timely, global access to official U.S. foreign policy information, including Background Notes and daily press briefings along with the directory of key officers of Foreign Service posts and more. The Overseas Security Advisory Council (OSAC) provides security information and regional news that impact U.S. companies working abroad through its website http://www.osac.gov/
Export.gov provides a portal to all export-related assistance and market information offered by the federal government and provides trade leads, free export counseling, help with the export process, and more.STAT-USA/Internet, a service of the U.S. Department of Commerce, provides authoritative economic, business, and international trade information from the Federal government. The site includes current and historical trade-related releases, international market research, trade opportunities, and country analysis and provides access to the National Trade Data Bank.
Activists denounce violence in Burma at Harvard march
The crisis in Burma was marked in Harvard Square yesterday when activists marched to condemn attacks on peaceful Buddhist monks by security forces in the uprising against military rule.
Shanti Maung, a Harvard senior who uses a pseudonym to protect the family she still has in Burma, organized the march.
She visited her native country just two weeks ago and is horrified by the violence there in the battle over freedom and democracy.
“It’s incredibly brave of the monks and the people in Burma to rise up,” Maung said. “It’s very uncertain. What we need now is the international community to intervene and to talk to the military or anyone who has influence with the junta to give them more moderate strategies.”
State Rep. Byron Rushing (D-Boston) said, “Massachusetts was one of the first states in 1996 to take a formal stance on democracy in Burma by passing the Massachusetts-Burma Act. People in Burma are so excited that the monks have stood up to the government in Burma and we must support them.”
Man Kuang, a nun at the Boston Buddhist Cultural Center, is from Taiwan, but she sympathizes with the Burmese monks. “It’s a global issue. We must purify our mind and hope for peace,” Kuang said.
Businessman Sai Kyaw, one of the student leaders in the 1988 Burmese revolution, came to the United States in 1993 as a refugee. He believes that change is possible this time.
“We will get what we want,” said Kyaw, who is helping to organize another march at the State House on Thursday.
Kyaw said he is hopeful that the breakthrough will come if China agrees to intervene and convice Burma’s military government to allow reforms.
The uprising was sparked when the repressive government devalued currency and imposed a heavy increase in fuel prices affecting ordinary citizens, even as officials there live luxurious lifestyles.
Article URL: http://www.bostonherald.com/news/international/middle_east/view.bg?articleid=1034868
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